Sindhudesh - G. M. Syed  - All Rights Reserved to G. M. Syed  Academy Karachi Sindh©
 Chapter VI
Sindh's geography can be divided in three parts: A) Varying political and geographical boundaries at different periods.
B) The cultural boundaries of Sindh and its influences at different times.
C) The present days Sindh's geographical boundaries and its various resources.
If one undertakes in depth study of history of Sindh will find that Sindh's political boundaries in various periods have been expanding or shrinking. Therefore, I will narrate each period's story separately. In the various periods Sindh's political boundaries have remained as under:
  It is in the fitness of things, that each period is dealt at some length.

Most of the information is supplied through archaeological findings. No written history is available. Information about Sindh Desh, its people and institutions has been collected from the Moen-Jo-Daro and Harapa findings. From the excavations whatever information has been found, it appears that at that times there was communication and commerce between both centers and was under the control of one kingdom or there were city governments in existence, cannot be ascertained. But at that time the area of Sindh was:

The total area of the above mentioned areas of that period is 245163 Sq. Miles. It appears that at that time there was no such country by the name of Punjab in existence. Archeologists name the civilization and citizenship of this area as Harapa Moen-Jo-Daro civilization of Sindhu Desh. After that it appears that form the North-West a strong nation slowly invaded this area and colonized it. These people were subsequently called as Arian nation. They seem to have brought most of the village and towns built by Dravadian, under their control. In that period the government was under the control of tribal heads and in different periods, the big tribal heads established their kingdom under the suzerainty of Rajas. They ruled different areas, the boundaries of which used to change from time to time. Arian people slowly spread throughout Western and Northern parts of India. Their civilization and citizenship can be counted as Dravadian period's last remnant. This can be found out from the books of Vedas written by Aryans. Slowly they occupied the Northern and Western part of India, in which several rulers used to rule. At that time there were wars between various groups of Arians. The story of these wars is narrated in the book of 'Mahabharat', from which it can be found out that they occupied mostly those areas that were hitherto occupied by Dravadian.


a) Multan Division area 24824 Sq. Miles
b) Bahawalpur Division area 17652 Sq. Miles
c) Baluchistan area 134050 Sq. Miles
d) The present area of Sindh 57000 Sq. Miles
e) Kutch District's area 8300 Sq. Miles.
f) Junagarh State area 3337 Sq. Mile.
The total area of that period was 240163 Sq. Miles.

After that it appears that various branches of Arians' race, to have invaded Sindh which Darius One, seems to have invaded various parts of Sindh, which parts came under the control of Persian government can not be ascertained. But it seems that at that time the present Sindh, Baluchistan, some parts of Multan and Bahawalpur divisions areas may have been under their control. But it seems that the Kutch and Junagarh had not come under their control. After the invasion of Alexander the Great, more or less same areas, which were under Persian control may have come under Greek control. Therefore, it can be easily said that the areas of Persian and Greek control were smaller than the Dravadian and Arian Government's control. Though the Persians and Greeks were also branch of Arian people, yet they conquered the local people and brought them under their imperial rule. Their rule did not last long but their influences of civilization and citizenship lasted longer. On account of that some parts of Baluchistan adopted Baluchi language, which was the branch of Persian language. Yet in some parts of Baluchistan, Brohi, Dravadian and Sindhi language continue to be spoken still. It can safely be said that inspite of Persian and Greek invasion and control local Sindhi language continued its influence.


After the rule of Persian and Greek governments ended, the rule of Hindu rulers started. Maharaja Ashok, who conquered greater part of India, was a Buddhist and after him Brahmans started their dominance. During the rule of Raja Vikramajeet efforts were made to spread Hindu religion in Sindh. Both dynasties left their influence. Buddhist Stupas and Hindu Temples are the remnants of their period. Rai Sahasi and Chach dynasties were the last of the Hindu rulers. The last ruler of Sindh was Raja Dahir, who ruled over the following areas:

a) Multan division area 24824 Sq. Miles.
b) Bahawalpur area 17652 Sq. Miles.
c) Baluchistan area 132050 Sq. Miles.
d) The present Sindh area 57000 Sq. Miles.
e) Kutch area 8300 Sq. Miles.
f) Junagarh area 3337 Sq. Miles.
 The total area 245163 Sq. Miles was under that Sindhi ruler. Therefore the language, culture, custom and other traditions of these areas were similar.


  The Arabs conquered Sindh and had control over the same areas ruled by Raja Dahir excepting the areas of Kutch and Junagarh. So during the Arab period the following areas came under their control:

a) Multan Division area 24824 Sq. Miles.
b) Bahawalpur Division area 17652 Sq. Miles.
c) The present Sindh area 57000 Sq. Miles.
d) The Baluchistan area 134050 Sq. Miles.
The total area comes to 233476 Sq. Miles. In Arab period the boundaries sometimes were greater and sometimes lesser. Internal management remained in the hands of tribal chiefs. But for the collection of taxes from time to time, the Governors were appointed from Damascus or Baghdad. The general policy remained in their hands who in the various centers of Sindh, kept Arab cantonments at Multan, Alore, Barhmanabad etc., the governors used to stay in the cantonments. During the days of Soomra and Samma dynasties the areas of Sindh cannot be clearly fixed. These were the best periods of Sindh. But unfortunately the history of Sindh has not been given fair treatment.


  Though the rule of Mughals was spread over the most of the parts of Northern, Western India and Afghanistan, yet for the administrative purpose they distributed the area in various provinces. During the days of Shah Jehan and Aurangzeb, the Governorship was based on Multan under their rule. Sukkur and Thatta were smaller provinces. In view of that, the territory of Sindh can be divided in the following provinces:

a) Multan Division area 24824 Sq. Miles.
b) Bahawalpur Division area 17652 Sq. Miles
c) The present Sindh Province area 57000 Sq. Miles
d) The Baluchistan area 134050 Sq. Miles
The total area of Sindh in those days was 233476 Sq. Miles

 After the rule of Aurangzeb the Mughal Empire began to shrink and in various parts of India local tribes began to become stronger. Therefore Sindh's territory also began to change. The Multan division came under the Sikh rule and separated from Sindh. Baluchistan came under the control of Baluch tribal chiefs and Pathan rulers. Sindh was divided in two parts: The Sindhi Kalhoras had in their possession two areas. Sukkur and Thatta districts and Dawood Potas who were the branch of the same dynasty ruled over Bahawalpur area. In those days Sindhis had control of following areas:

a) Bahawalpur area remained in the hands of Dawood Potas. Its area was 17602 Sq. Miles
b) The remaining Sindh's area remained under the Kalhora rule. Its area was 57000 Sq. Miles.
c) The Lasbella and Katchi and Sibbi areas remained under the dynasty of Jams. Its area was 79992 Sq. Miles.
The total area of Sindh at that time was 154594 Sq. Miles.

 Though the territories mentioned above under the control of different rulers, yet all the rulers were Sindhis and languages used in those areas were Sindhi and Siraiki.


The Britons conquered India's various areas at different periods. In some areas they established their direct rule and in other areas they ruled through the local rulers of states. Sindh was divided in three parts

Sindh's State Khairpur was also connected with Bombay Presidency's administration. When Sindh was separated in 1936 from Bombay Presidency, it was given status of separate province. When the Britons freed India they divided country in two parts. One part was given to Hindus and the other under the Muslim rule was named as Pakistan. In Pakistan the control of government was handedover to Muhajir and Punjabi politicians. As Sub-Continent of India was divided according to Muslim Majority and Hindu majority area basis, Sindh's Kutch and Junagarh parts came under the control of Bharat government. The Bahawalpur and Lasbella states after abolition of States were amalgamated with Punjab and Baluchistan respectively and Khairpur State being in the middle of Sindh was amalgamated with Sindh. Sindhis had expectation that their cultural areas will be amalgamated with Sindh, Kutch, Juna Garh, Bahawalpur, Sibbi and Lasbella had all along been the cultural areas of Sindh. But it did not happen. New freedom in the name of Pakistan did not benefit Sindh but it became the cause of their slavery as independent country from Mirs and it was the logic of freedom that Sindh should have been declared as a free country. But when Sindh was made a province of Pakistan and left as a minority at the mercy of the majority of Bengal and Punjab.


In the beginning Pakistan was divided in five provinces and states were kept under the control of central government. But slowly the states were undone and they were merged into adjoining provinces. The Muhajir-Punjabi's combination controlled the newly established central government and carried on the government as heir-apparent of the British Imperialism. Sindh, already deprived of its cultural areas, was treated as the conquered area. The provincial assemblies were treated as door-mats and dissolution and dismissal of both were a frequent affair. Property left by Hindus in Sindh, rural and urban, factories and industries, shops and houses, educational institutions and services and jobs were given as a gift to the immigrants from India. This policy of the central government not only encouraged the Muslims in India to make a mass migration but also lured and tempted them to do so. All this seems to be a blueprint made in advance for invasion, occupation and usurpation of Sindh and its resources. Except in Israel, modern history has no parallel of such large scale deprivation and alienation of local population by incoming influx of immigrants. At the time of its establishment Pakistan consisted of five administrative units called provinces. They were Sindh Bengal, West Punjab, North West Frontier and Baluchistan. Their de-jure existence apart, the defacto powers and decisions lay with the Central Government controlled by Punjabi Muhajir vested interests. Not content even with this aggrandizement, Punjab decided to merge the three small provinces which they called West Pakistan or One-Unit to complex the excruciation of these provinces.


Culture is very wide term in which the following can be included; Language, Customs, Religious beliefs, old traditions mode of living etc. In order to describe the above mentioned five branches of culture, separate narration is necessary.

Sindh's original language was of Dravadian root but had separate script, which has been proved from the stamps found from Moen-Jo-Daro. But that has not yet been deciphered, because the sufficient number of writings have not been found. After the Dravadian, the Arians came and occupied Sindh who colonized the country replacing original residents. Their tribes has different words, which can be found in the Sindhi Language. The Arian language afterwards spread to Central India and became Sanskrit. Vedas and Puranas were written in that language. As the Arian nation or race had occupied the western and northern parts of India, Russia, Persia, Greece, Germany, England and other countries, the languages of these countries were called Indo-European languages. The present Sindhi is also one of the Indo-European languages, Prakirt, something of which has already been said in the previous chapter. After that Sindh came under the domination of foreigners like Persians, Greeks, Arabs and British imperialists. several words from these imperial countries were mixed with Sindhi language. In India for sometime Pathans and Mughals also ruled, whose official language was Persian. Bur on account of the recruitment of soldiers in the imperial government who spoke different languages, there had to be some language to communicate with one another. So was Urdu constructed which is a queer admixture of many languages. It is therefore a language of soldiers. It flourished during the last days of Mughal rule. When the Britishers conquered India, there were two spoken and written languages in the Northern Part of it. They were Hindi and Urdu. The Central Indian Muslims patronized Urdu because it was nearer to Persian and Hindi because of its affinity with Sanskrit-patronized Hindi. When freedom movement started, the language controversy also appeared on the scene.

The Britishers introduced Urdu in Punjab, Frontier and Baluchistan right form primary school level but since retained these languages in their provinces but gave them systematic and scientific place and developed too. But after the creation of Pakistan, the Urdu speaking immigrants and Punjabi coterie who had captured government tried to impose Urdu as a single national language upon five nation country. Punjab, Frontier and Baluchistan had already adopted Urdu, therefore no resistance came against such a move. But Sindh and Bengal opposed it tooth and nail and were successful in retaining their status and script. When partition of Pakistan took place in 1971, language controversy that had erupted in 1952, had also some significant part to play. So we can safely say that imposition of an alien language can have a backlash in the life of a country in Sindh, people have resented imposition of Urdu as a single national language and will continue to do so, though the Urdu speaking immigrants and Punjabis may cry from their house top for Urdu as the only national language.

At present nearly 40% Non-Sindhi speaking people have influxes in Sindh. The Punjabis on account of their enmity, with Sikhs accepted Urdu as their national language and abandoned their traditional literature to facilitate conspiracy with Muhajirs. Punjab's population in 1980 was about five crores of people and Sindh's population is nearly two crores. In Punjab the density of population is nearly 700 persons per square mile and in Sindh, it is nearly 350 per square mile. With its own resources, Punjab can not afford to sustain its population. So cunningly it is shifting its pressure to Sindh. The repeated Martial laws and continuous repressive rulers are only a means to achieving this evil design. So taking Sindh as a milch-cow and grazing ground, the Punjabis are sending their swarms and herds of people to colonize Sindh, squeeze its resources and drain it to debility. Unfortunately for Sindh, that the Pathans have also joined the Punjabis in a big way. Sindh has got more resources and rich in the delta against it. Before the establishment of Pakistan in 1941, Sindh's population was nearly 4850,000 people out of which nearly 13 lakhs Sindhi speaking Hindus were forced to migrate to Bharat, which left the Sindhi speaking population at 35 lakhs. In 1981 the population of Sindh jumped to nearly two crores that means four hundred percent increase. This phenomenal increase in population particularly the urban one can not be attributed to high birth-rate but of deliberate design and contrivance. Sindh has been made a parasitic, a vast meadow for all. All immigration laws, domicile and permanent residence rules are as fake as the so-called oft repeated ideologies. Anyone and everyone from within the country or form without can settle in Sindh with impunity. Added to this agony against Sindh is the Constitution of 1973 which institutionalizes the illegality and the illegitimacy of influx. The cupidity of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto is responsible for this informal machine. If the present rate of influx continues which is about six lakhs per annum, by the end of this century, non-Sindhis will out number Sindhis, density of population will increase beyond capacity and resources will be exhausted. Not only will Sindhis suffer from political domination and economic subservience but intellectual inferiority and cultural domination. They will be deprived of their language, the spiritual and literary store house. Even the Sindhi medium primary schools may not be allowed and Urdu may become the sole medium of instruction. Sindh and Sindhis will be clawed in the clutches of an alien language and culture. In such a situation the position of Sindhis hold in its folds the examples of American Red-Indians and Aborigines of Australia. Immediate awareness to all these fatal dangers is the need of the hour. The inherent conspiratorial intentions are to be gauged and elements and institutions inimical to Sindh are to be struck-down.

The new comers in Sindh get patronage and protection of the State power, settle in cities enjoy all amenities, civic, economic, educational and qualitatively a better life. Premium on nuisance that they get is in addition. This has given them an unearned affluence and sense of superiority. Sindhis consented to be in Pakistan on the basis of "autonomy and sovereignty" for their land. The post independence shuffling of events and reversal of trends abnormal curvatures and convexities have given rise to genuine complaints. Sindhis in general and youth in particular are angry for the atrocities, wanton mischiefs and excessive abuses of the successive governments. They condemn their elders for not counting the cost in advance of such a contact or compact. The menaces created by the ill-gotten children fathered by Pakistan are a memento to be in minority in their own motherland and mendicants in their resource rich country has precipitated their thinking. They are of the strong opinion that as long as they continue to be part of Pakistan, they will become victims of more mischiefs and misfortunes. To preclude the mirage and the mire, the restive and the restless wants to restore and retrieve the autonomous and sovereign position of Sindh. Their continuo frustration with Pakistan has rightly taken them to one logical conclusion i.e. the parting of ways with Pakistan.


Geography, environment, climate, race etc. give certain characteristics to customs of every nation. Because of the social interaction of generation after generation a sense of togetherness and oneness grows gradually which intention gives rise to common customs and social traditions. In Sindh, the Dravadian, the Arians and their many branches the Persians and the Greeks had their own customs. But that does not exclude the influence of one upon the other. Each one influenced the other and accepted some from the contemporary customs of the other people. Yet none of them lost their identity. Their customs about marriage, disposal of dead bodies, dress, the style of hair-cut and each one of them retained hairdo, growing of beards etc. In short the amalgam and the separateness continued simultaneously.


 Religious rituals and beliefs probably had risen from the crude and the child-like interpretation of the science of savages based on the differing evidence of sense. This gave rise to animism and inanimism. Beginning with trees, animals and reptiles, they added Sun, Moon, Stars, zodiac sky, land, mountains, fire and air to the objects of worship. Afterwards the Arians wrote Vedas, Sammarties, Puranas and introduced religious beliefs, according to their writings. As the majority of the people still were illiterate and used to remain in forests, they continued to have the old beliefs. The worship of River Sea, trees, cows and bullocks continued. The detailed information has been given in second chapter of this book. For the reformation of those customs, Jainism, Buddhism did some work and after that Persians introduced sun and fire worship. Jewish and Christian religious ideas also had some influence over Sindhis. After that Islam came through Arabs and Persians in Sindh. Islam, Judaism and Judaism and Christianity, it seem had acquired greater part of their teachings through Babylons and Summair. This as already mentioned in previous chapters, various selections of all the civilizations had their influence in Sindh and Sophism was product, of these teachings. Sindhi Dervishes like Shah Inayat, Shah Latif, Sachal Sarmast, Bedil, Sami, Rohal Fakir etc have to a great extent, narrated the above mentioned beliefs in their poetry.


In Sindh, after the experience of thousands of years some traditions had been established. Out of which some are good and some were bad. Following are the few good traditions of Sindhis:

a) Giving Asylum to foreign people who suffered in their own countries at the hands of their opponents and on account of that, they had suffered a lot.
b) The protection of honor, respect, modesty and dignity of tribal men and women even if such protections involved the possibility of bloody feuds with the opponents.
c) Hospitality to the strangers and travelers, if they came to Sindh villages Sindhis considered it to be their honor and duty to entertain them as their honorable guests. Lack of means at the moment were never a hindrance.
C) Patriotism:
Love of the motherland had always been a matter of faith and sacred duty. In view of that all the classical poets of Sindh have sung the songs of patriotism. Such poems are mostly sung on all auspicious and eventful occasions. Shah Latif the Great Saint-Poet of Sindh has again and again teaches Sindhis the love of their land:
  i) "Woe to them, who forget their country".
ii) "Seek companionship of compatriots, aliens cannot be owned".
iii) "For the days which I have passed detached from my country. My own folks and people will smirch and smite.".
iv) "It is not customary with Sindhis to stain themselves and swap their blood with gold".
To be contented even in adversity. The people of Sindh believe in patience and perseverance and do not complain even against unfavorable and adverse circumstances. Their poets also have taught them the same. They say:
  i) "Sorrows ornate life, Life without sorrows is meaningless."
ii) "What ever God in his wisdom has Ordained' Gracefully and gratefully welcome."
iii) "Every one has a share of sorrows but I have then in abundance. 1 went around to dissent and disport these but the sympathizers had already departed."
The above mentioned things were some of good points ingrained in Sindhi Culture" and character. But they have also inherited some bad habits on account of which they have to face difficulties. Amongst them are the following. i) Inferiority Complex:-  The feudal system, Zamindars, Pirs, Mullahs and outside rulers have created an inferiority complex in our people, which has made them cowards. ii) Tribal enmities:- The people of Sindhi originated from different tribes and countries, had lived the nomadic life, and had been entangled in local differences. This characteristic continues till today. The result is that taking advantage of their weakness the foreigners have been invading, occupying, dominating and exploiting them.
  iii) The Cunning and crafty foreigners. I have narrated above that on account of various factors, Sindhis have been infected with inferiority complex resulting in cowardice and become easy prey of cunning and crafty dandyism of foreigners. They believe that every foreigner or analyzer is a nophman, a gentleman although in his home town and land he may be a non-entity even of a low origin. As such every lonely becomes holy and every devil becomes a don here. When Arians came to Sindh the Dravadian were overpowered by them, and adopted their language, customs, religious beliefs and dress and when Persians or Greeks ruled over them, they adopted several things of rulers. In the days of Mughal Empire, speaking in the Persian was considered the sign of pride and in the days of British rule, speaking in English was considered a privilege. So much so that even primary education was given in English language and western dress was considered to be the sign of superiority. Now a days the many well to do persons have started speaking in Urdu in their houses with the result that their traditions literature, in which Shah Latif, Sachal, Sami, and other poets have given their messages is being forgotten.
  iv) Selfishness: Sindh was mostly a rural country, in which people used to remain in nomadic life or ~ scattered huts, wherein there was less safety, health and unity among them. Every body was to safe guard his own interests. There is saying in Sindhi that:
"That self comes first and above the rest."

 The common man of Sindh if busy in safe guarding. his self interests. The national consciousness, the national unity and the national feeling have therefore suffered. On account of these conditions the outsiders have often invaded Sindh and have either looted and robbed Sindh or started ruling over it. On account of these draw backs the vested interests have coined several slogans to mislead Sindhis and bring them under their domination. One is that Muslims are a separate nation, which infect is against the spirit of Islam. The second thing is that the various provinces in India where Muslims were in majority created a new country named Pakistan and are trying to show that it is an Islamic country and must be safeguarded at any cost. This has cost Sindh immensely. If it agrees to such slogans it will have to write off its history of five thousand years and puts its geographical boundaries in jeopardy and finally become subjects and slaves of Punjabi-Muhajir combine.

Sindh, since last 5000 years has remained a separate country, a geographical entity with distinct language, culture, political and economic interests. Sindhis have remained a separate nation. But unless the residents of Sindh have not learned to prefer the national interests, to their individual and selfish motives and they have not acquired the necessary national consciousness of unity and common interests they can not become the "united nation", nor face the foreign powers and get rid of certain slogans, that misguide and mislead them. For instance that all Muslims are one nation and that Pakistan is a homeland of Muslims, are being used as weapons to rule over Sindhis.
   The Sindh's overwhelming majority of population has lived in rural areas and quite a few are still passing nomadic life. Some of them reside on the banks of lakes, rivers and sea in their scattered huts or small boats. Some of them depend upon cattle breeding and continue changing their camps with the change of pasture. All these sections are not only denied the benefits of the civilization but civic and city life also. After the establishment of Pakistan, nearly 60 lakhs of outsiders have migrated to Sindh, who mostly live in cities of Sindh and population of city life has enormously increased. But the majority of original Sindhis still remain in rural areas devoid of the basic facilities of civic life with the benefits of Education, health services and sanitary arrangements or society. Services in government departments and jobs in industries and factories are not available for them. Lack of security of life and property plagues rural life. Trade and commerce is concentrated in big towns and cities. Roads and other means of communications are a rarity. City life generates homogeneity, political awakening, organizational capacity, and struggle to get political and economic rights. Newspapers, periodicals and other means of information and knowledge come to their door steps. The net result as of today is that the city people are fully enjoying the comforts and benefits whereas the rural population lives sub-human conditions and get a different message of civilization from independence. Lack of opportunities, amenities, facilities and arrangements is not only adversely affecting villages more and more but widening the gap of quality of life between rural and urban population, which is not a good omen.


Sindh's geographical boundaries should be encompassed on the basis of their culture, their language, old traditions, customs, religious beliefs and social conditions. From that point of view the old Bahawalpur Stateís major part which remained under the rule of dynasty of Dawood Potas can be counted as Sindh's cultural area. Sibbi, Katchi and Lasbella districts that form part of the present Baluchistan and Kutch and Juna Garh can be included in Sindh's cultural boundaries. But the division of the country into Pakistan and Bharat Katchh and Joona Garh were given over to Bharat. Sibbi Katchi, and Lasbella areas have been handedover to Baluchistan. At present Sindh is divided in the following districts Karachi: Four districts (Four districts) Thatta, Badin, Hyderabad, Tharparkar, Sanghar, Nawabshah, Khairpur, Sukkur, Shikarpur Upper Serhad Sindh (Jacobabad) Larkana and Dadu. The area and population of the present Sindh, on the basis of 1971 Census are:

KARACHI Total Area 1362 Sq. Miles
Total Population 3589154.
THATTA Area 6933 Sq. Miles.
Population 674590.
HYDERABAD Area 4969 Sq. Miles
(including Badin) Population 227873
THARPARKAR Area 13435 Sq. Miles
Population 1000972
SANGHAR Area 4142 Sq. Miles
Population 681168
DADU Area 7342 Sq. Miles
Population 807753
JACOB ABAD Area 2982 Sq. Miles
Population 694792
SUKKUR Area 5531 Sq. Miles
(including Shikarpur) Population l 368595
LARKANA Area 2866 Sq. Miles
Population 922907
KHAIRPUR Area 6018 Sq. Miles
Population 717373
NAWABSHAH Area 2896 Sq. Miles
Population 1341 706
The total population of Sindh, in accordance with 1971 Census is 14007722. Which according to the census of 1981 has risen to two crores and three lakhs. There has been no sub-soil survey in Sindh, excepting the research work done by Mr. Mohammed Hussain Panhwar, who has mentioned the underground water levels. But in Sindh the area under salinity has not been surveyed. So the area of sweet and saline underground water cannot be ascertained. But only this, but classification of land on the basis of percentage, potash, sodium carbonate, nitrogen, salinity and water logging has not been under taking in its correct perspective except on a very small scale on government agricultural farms.

In 1954 Sindh Agricultural Commission had recommended the survey of above mentioned things. But immediately Sindh was brought under the slavery of One-Unit where these recommendations were not carried out. According to the recent information the area of Sindh has been distributed in the following categories:

d) The area under deserts and Dunes 13100 Sq. Miles.
e) The area under delta near Sea 1500 Sq. Miles.
 The total area of Sindh stands at 57131 Sq. Miles.
  i) The cultivable area as counted above will be divided into two crores and twenty one acres as the mileage shown above.
ii) From Jhirik to Khirthar Mountains the hilly track consists of mountain and hills. Makli, Pir Patho can be included into that. These hills continue from Karachi to Lasbella. There is a solitary hillock called Aban shah's hill in Shah Bandar Taluka. On the East of the river Indus, there is Ganjo Takar hills and in Tharparkar district there is Karunjhar Mountain. In the north from Kotdiji, right up to Rohri hills, there is a line of small hills. Though the survey of hilly area is not properly carried out but approximately it will come to 5000 Sq. Miles.
iii) From Ubauro Taluka, Indus River enters Sindh, right up to Keti Bandar where it falls in Sea. Its length should be 300 Miles, but on account of the curves its length becomes 500 miles. In the summer there is more water in the river but in the winter it is reduced greatly. The bed of river approximately is 2 miles in width. According to this calculation the mileage under river Indus will become 600 miles. In Sindh there are 520 lakes and small ponds. Amongst the lakes there are Manchar, Kinjhar and Makhi Lake. The area under them will become 600 Sq. Miles thus the total area under water is 1200 Sq. Miles.
iv) On both sides of river Indus, and near Makhi lake and several other places there are forests and Jungles. The total area under the forests will come to 1800 Sq. Miles. At present in forests there are Babuls, Lai and Kandi trees. Talli, Seesum and other valuable trees according to recommendations of agricultural commission can be grown in Sindh. But on account of formation of one-unit and apathy of Pakistan government nothing has done in this direction.
v) The land under desert and sandy areas: In Thatta district, Shah Bandar, Jatti Lalukas, Hyderabad and Bad in Taluka and certain portions of Tharparkar district are under the desert areas. On the border of Sindh from Tharparkar District, the sand dunes start, which go through some talukas of Tharparkar, Sanghar, Nawabshah, Khairpur and Sukkur districts. The total area of such land is 13100 Sq. Miles.
vi) Delta is that piece of land, which is on the lower level of Sea, which is punctuated by small pond of Water Island. No survey of that area has even been undertaken. Every year two crores and forty lakhs tons of silt pass through the Indus river into the sea. Therefore, in this great area, the sea was near Ganja Takar and the Makli hills. Ghora Bari, Keti Bandar, Whah bandarjati and other Talukas and greater portion of those were under the Sea, now has become cultivable land or desert. In 1954 there was the recommendation before Sindh, Agricultural Commission, that delta area near Sea can be developed into fertile land and that portion can be utilized for the cultivation of Date and Palms and Coconut trees. But nothing was done on the pretext of lack of funds. From the income of Sindh though the central government gets taxes of billions of rupees, which mostly is spent on the Punjab military. After the establishment of Pakistan, the Muhajir and Punjabi vested interests have not given autonomy and the resources of Sindh are utilized for the benefit of Punjab. That is why no development scheme could be carried out for the good of Sindh. We want to construct dam on the side of Sea where we can systematically utilize the silt by Indus and increase the area under cultivation. But how can we fulfill these schemes. We are now in Pakistanís slavery of Muhajir and Punjabi imperialism.
 Sindh on the whole is resource-rich country and could be more prosperous but for the central government's robbery of farmer's revenues in the form of many taxes. These taxes though collected from the people and province of Sindh are used for the Punjab vested interests. Added to this, the central government because of its prejudices against Sindhis and partiality in favor of Punjabi Muhajir combine has been patronizing and protecting its industrial base in Sindh at the cost of Sindhis. In addition, hordes of people are brought to Sindh, who are draining the resources of Sindh by sending them their colonial rules.



  The economic resources of Sindh are divided in three groups.:

2. The taxes taken away by central government, which are, collect from Sindh.
3. The industries, mines and trade.


If you have seen the problems of this question, one will know that after the establishment of Pakistan, Sindh and its original residents have come under great difficulties and hardships.

 The natural resources of Sindh and its productions and income:-


 In Sindh the cultivable area as shown in the question asked by Syed Ali Qutub Shah in Sindh Assembly in which it was shown that the cultivable area in Sindh was two crores and twenty one lakhs acres. In Sindh we have got three barrages for which 134000 Cusecs water was allowed, according to the agreement between Sindh and Punjab in 1945. According to this agreement Sindh was to get 25% of water from the five tributaries of Indus River and 75% water from Indus. But after the establishment of Pakistan Sindh has been left at the mercy of Punjab. First they abolished the provinces of West Pakistan and amalgamated into what was notoriously called One-Unit. As such Sindh was deprived of its share which it was entitled to according to the agreement of 1954. Non performance and violation of the agreement by Punjab has along worked to the detriment of the interests of Sindh. Punjab has been robbing Sindh by constructing new barrages and dams against the terms of the agreement of 1954 and against the all cannons of International Law that determines the right repairman rights. To prove our point of view, we will furnish factual data. The first thing that Punjab did was to handover their tributaries to India. Their Punjabi ministers did this and Sindh had no hand in it. By so doing Punjab made good their loss by taking away Sindh's share of water. So Sindh was sentenced for no fault in its own. Punjab's arbitrary actions resulted in the decrease of seasonal crops of Sindh and increased i~ own. Following statistics will prove the plunder by Punjab for it has been taking away more than 50% of Indus water.

Area according to seasonal crop of Sindh and Punjab is shown below:

In Punjab in 1973 and 1974 the cultivated area was as under:

a) Rice crop area: 1062000 Acres of land. Total yield was 1096000 Tons. The producer per Acre was 16 Maunds and 9 seers.
b) Area under Wheat was 1904000 Acres of land. The production was 5575500 Tons. The production per Acre came to 13 Maunds and 9 Seers.
c) Area under Oats Barley 261000 Acres. The Production 7400 Tons. The production per Acre 7 Maunds (40 Kg.) and 2 Seers. (2Kg.).
d) Area under Jowar 629000 Acres. The production was 234000 Tons. The production per acre was 6 Maunds.
e) Area under Bajra 1166000 Acres. The production 339000 Tons. The production per Acre 5 Maunds 5 Seers.
f) Area under Maize 684000 Acres. The production 431000 Tones. The production per acre 13 Maunds and 5 Seers.
g) Area under Gram 1974000 Acres The production 431000 Tons. The Production per Acre 5 Maunds and 9 Seers.
h) Area under Sugar cane 1091000 Acres The production 16355000 Tons. The Production per Acre 408 Maunds.
i) Area under Cereals 7891000 Acres The production 165000 Tons. The Production per Acre 6 Maunds.
j) Area under (TIR) 31000 Acres The production 4000 Tons. The Production per Acre 3 Maunds and 5 Seers.
i) Area under Cotton 3383000 Acres the Production 2410000 Tons the Production per Acre 3 Maunds an d 6 Seers  
 The total average cultivated in Punjab 21994800 Acres. The total production 145851000 Tons. The area cultivated in 1973 and 1974. In Sindh, figures are as under
  i) Rice area 1744800 Acres Production 1215000 Tons Production per Acre 19 Maunds.
ii) Oats area 43000 Acres Production 9000 Tons Production per acre 5 Maunds and 7 Seers.
iii) Jowar area 407000 Acres. Production 108000 Tons. Production per acre 7 Maunds and 2 Seers.
iv) Bajra area 526000 Acres Production 95000 Tons Production per acre 5 Maunds and 3 Seers
v) Maize are 54000 Acres Production 12000 Tons Production per acre 6 Maunds and 3 Seers
vi) Grains area 531000 Acres Production 139000 Tons Production per Acre 7 Maunds 1 Seer
vii) Cereals Area 348000 Acres Production 75000 Tons. Production per Acre 5 Maunds
vii) Sesame area 30000 Acres. Production 4000 Tons. Production per Acre 3 Maunds and 9 Seers
ix) Sugarcane area 251000 Acres Production 3735000 Tons. Production per Acre 4 Maunds and 4 Seers
x) Cotton Area 1167600 Acres. Production 256000 Tons. Production per Acre 4 Maunds and 8 Seers  
The total average of cultivation is 11181900 Acres and production is 5823000 Tons. Now comparison between the figures of Punjab and Sindh.

The total acre under cultivation in Punjab is 21994000 Acres and production is 14851000 Tons and in Sindh the area under cultivation is 11881000 Acres and production is 5823000 Tons, the difference between cultivated area of Punjab and Sindh is 10113000 acres and production in Sindh is 9028000 Tons less. In Punjab the cultivation under wheat crop is as under:

19400000 Acres and production is 75082000 Tons and in Sindh the cultivated area under Wheat is 2076000 Acres and the production is 1226000 Tons. The difference between Sindh and Punjab is 8828000 tons. The difference between Sindh and Punjab is 8828000 acres and in production is 4349000 Tons. In Punjab the total area under Cotton cultivation is 3383000 acres and production is 441000 Tons and in Sindh the area under cotton crop is 1167000 Acres and production is 205000 Tons. Thus the difference between Punjab and Sindh is as under:

The total average of Sindh cultivation is 2216000 less than Punjab and the production is 236000 Tons less. The average in Punjab sugar cane area is 1091000 acres. The production is 16355000 Tons and in Sindh the total area under sugar cane is 251000 Acres and the production is 3735000 Tons. The difference of acre area in average between Sindh and Punjab will stand as under:

845000 Acres less in Sindh and 12620000 Tons less Sugar cane. From the above mentioned figures one will come to know that on account of deficiencies of water the land under cultivation and the yield per acre is decreasing in Sindh cultivates 8828000 Acres less in Wheat crop, 2216000 Acres in Cotton Crop and 840000 Acres in sugar cane. The reason is that Punjab was utilizing more water against the treaty of 1945. That thing would not have happened if Pakistan had not come in existence thereby giving it monopoly of power in government. The miseries of Sindh we multiplied by imposition of One-Unit. Had it not come in existence, new barrages and dams would not have been constructed and violation of Section 17 of Treaty would not have taken place.


I have already mentioned above that in Sindh the following land has remained un-cultivable.

a) The area of 5000 Sq. Miles under mountains and hills
b) The area under Desert and sand dunes of 13100 Sq. M.
c) The area under delta 1500 Sq. Miles which could be increased to 3000 Sq. Miles.


In 1954 the Sindh Government had appointed an agricultural commission, which after the deliberation on the subject had recommended the following scheme:


i) That in the hilly and mountainous areas small dams should be constructed and the adjoining area be irrigated. For this purpose, government had created a project department that had recommended the following schemes, which were to be financed from Sindh Government's funds.
ii) Dadu Dam project in Mahal Kohistan which would have cultivated in Kharif, 11000 Acres. The estimated amount to be spent on the project was Rs. 3869000/. The rainfall within 200 miles was to be collected. In this dam 1400 million cubic feet of water was to be collected and a total of 16570 acres was to be cultivated. The net income from the project was to be Rs. 196454 /=
iii) Darvat Dam Project was to be constructed on Barren River at a distance of 8 miles from Thana Boola Khan. That would have supplied 461 Cusic of water in Kharif and 46100 Acres of land were to be irrigated. 100 Cubic feet water was to be supplied in Rabi season and its estimated cost was Rs. 8723000 /= over one thousand Sq. Miles was to be commanded by this project. 5726 Cubic feet water was to be stored in this dam. From where 5110 Cubic feet water would have been available for cultivation. 69130 Acres were to be cultivated under this scheme. Rupees 840965 /= would have been its net income.



This darn was 20 miles above Johi town. Total estimated amount on that project was Rs. 12450000/-. The water was to be stored from 2000 Sq. Miles rain fall. Its gross command area was two lakhs and its cultural command was 170000 acres. It was to irrigate 85000 Acres, 65000 acres in Kharif and 17000 Acres in Rabi. Its net income would have been 805384A Rupees.



 This darn was to be constructed 20 miles above Sann village. Total estimated cost would have been Rs. 13760000/-. It would have been completed in two years time. In which 105 Sq. Miles rain water would have been collected. Its gross command area was to be 15000 Acres. Annually 61 Cusics water would have cultivated 73600 Acres land in Kharif, 383 feet million cubic feet would have been collected there.



This project was 10 miles in South West Karachi. Its total estimated cost would have been Rs. 3650000/- it would have been constructed in one year's time. Its gross command area was 3~400 acres land. The cultivated area would have been 30720 acres. In Kharif it would have irrigated 16360 acres of land. From this scheme the net income would have been Rs. 1322671- It would have contained 40 millions Cusics of water.



This nain is at a distance of ten miles from Manchar Lake. Its total estimated cost would have been Rs. 2468000/- it would have collected 170 Sq. Miles water. In its dam 556 million Cusics feet water would have been collected. Its gross command area would have been 30700 acres and would have irrigated 10000 acres annually. Its net income would have been Rs. 1460751-



This project was 10 miles South West from Manchar Lake. Its estimated cost was Rs. 2553200/- it would have collected 250 Sq. Miles rain water. Its gross command area was 32000 Acres, annually 16600 acres would have been cultivated from this project. Its net income would have been Rs. 160471/-


 These rivers are near Thana Boola Khan Landhi, Karachi, Kotri area. This would have collected rain water within 700 Sq. Miles would have been collected. The expenditure would have come to 81 lakhs of rupees. The water was to be 2600 million cubic feet. Its gross command area would have been 150000 acres. It would have cultivated 50000 acres annually. Its net income from the scheme would have been Rs. 4713701 /=


  Its estimated cost was Rs. 82,00,000/- it would have commanded 750 Sq. Miles water of rainfall. The total water was to be 2860 million cubic feet. Its gross command area would have been 110000 Acres. Annually it would have cultivated 55000 Acres.


Its estimated cost would have been Rs. 2555000/- it would have commanded 300 Sq. Miles rainfall water. The total water was to be 974 million cubic feet. Its gross command area would have been 25000 Acres. It would have cultivated 14000 Acres annually. Its net income would have been Rs. 1 17386/=


  It would have commanded 450 Sq. Miles rainfall water. Its estimated cost would have been Rs. 40,00,0001. Its gross command area would have been 75000 Acres. Annually cultivated area was to be 22570 acres. The total collection of water would have been 1462 million cubic feet. Its net income would have been Rs. 219147/-


  This is on the North South of Manchhar Lake. It is in the East of Angal River. 325 Sq. Miles rainfall water would have been commanded. Its estimated cost would have been Rs. 3650000A Its gross command area would have been 60000 acres. Its cultivated area would have been 4000 Acres. In Kharif 16156 acres would have been cultivated on it. Its total collected water would have been 1056 million cubic feet. Its net income would have been Rs. 2l472l /=.

These all schemes were prepared and ready to be implemented from the funds provided by Sindh Government. But the Pakistan Government on the mollified advice of Punjab government and the One-Unit government spent it in Punjab. On the other side Punjab was indebted to the tune of 100 crores of rupees which was to be borne by this willfully acquired money from Sindh. Pakistan, which was considered to be a boon for Sindh, actually became the slave and exploited country. Every Sindhi curses the day when Sindh became a part of Pakistan and prays for the end of its subjection and slavery in achieving its independent status.


Misfortunes and Muhajir and Punjabi vested interest imperialism has excluded cultural areas of Sindh that is Katch, Junagarh, Bahawalpur and Katchi, Sibbi and Lasbella. In Sindh, we wanted to develop our sand and desert areas and utilize them for cultivation for that we appointed commission to prepare projects. But according to the report of the Chief Engineer of Sindh only in Tharparkar, Deplo Talukas. Out of that 7000 Sq. Miles consisting of 4480000 acres of land, schemes for development of 150000 Acres were prepared. Which included 70 Sq. Miles area of Kharoonjhar Mountain in Nangarparkar. An average rainfall in the past 26 years was 13 feet. Its surrounding area is called Tarai. The water of rainfall was wasted in desert. It was calculated that 919200 million cubic feet would have been collected under this scheme. To properly use this water under mentioned schemes were suggested:

 i) For the collection of underground water and surface water. Walls were to be constructed.
ii) Kharoonjhar mountain rainfall water was to be stored and distributed.
iii) Field pumping scheme was to be carried out.

In this way through tubewell for the whole year water for irrigation could have been collected. Expenditure for which, the cultivators were prepared to bear through the support of Government. Schemes of Boring, aerial survey and digging were prepared. On which Rs.311,000 were to be spent. The net income from this would have been Rs. 21,602,078/-. The Sindh Government would have acquired 12 crores and 50 lakhs rupees from the sale of land on the rate of 25 rupees per acre. Sand dunes are spread all over the greater part of Sanghar, Nawabshah, Khairpur and Sukkur districts. Its area is estimated to be spread over 10000 Sq. Miles.

The total average would be 64 lakhs acres. This area was on the banks of Hakro River, which has disappeared since several hundred years. In the summer season the surplus water, which is discharged in the Sea, could have been collected in Makki Lake and utilized by constructing of dams in Sukkur district. All this land could have been leveled through machinery. But due to the greed of Punjabis who because of One-Unit, cancelled all these development schemes of Sindh. At that time Sindh had many good Engineers like Mohammed Moosa Memon, Ghulam Mohiuddin Abbassi and S.K. Baluch for preparation of these schemes, they could have implemented them as well.

Near the sea there is a delta of about 15 hundred Sq. Miles. It is the opinion of the experts that the area could have been developed into 3 thousand Sq. Miles, out of which we could have acquired 19 lakhs acres of cultivable land. On the Sea beach from Ibrahim Hydari, rightup to border of Katch by constructing Bunds and spurs we could have collected water in dam. Indus River annually throws 24000000 Tons of silt in the Sea and by leveling this area it could have been developed. Thus developed land could have been used for cultivation of Datepalm, Paddy, Banana Bamboo and other crops. In Holland there are bunds near the sea, which create artificial land. In that manner we could have also created additional cultivable land. For all these schemes, money is required, which we can get if we are free. At present, custom duty, Income tax, Corporation tax, Excise tax and many other taxes are being taken away by the Central Government for the benefit of Punjab mostly. Though this money belongs to the people of Sindh, but they are denied their right. Instead Muhajir, Punjabi imperialists are creating hindrances in the freedom struggle of Sindh. They do so to continue to exploit and usurp the rights of Sindh. Any body who speaks against these schemes of theirs, is dubbed as the enemy of Islam and enemy of Pakistan and thrown in jail.



  In every country forests serve the basis of cattle-grazing, fuel and wood for the construction of buildings, furniture etc. On the otherside they condition climate and serve the purpose of increasing rainfall. The Sindh agricultural commission, when examined forest experts and their opinion was that in Sindh hardly 2% area is under the forests. Even in the country like Saudi Arabia, which is mostly a desert, more land is under trees than in Sindh. For the improvement of forests and sowing the good trees through the help of barrage water and collection of rainfall water, we could increase our forest area. But unfortunately most of Sindhi legislators and politicians are greedy and hardly think in national terms. They are always busy in acquiring power for their personal sake, profit and more acquisition. They seem to be making a team with Punjabi Muhajir imperialism against the interests of Sindh and putting it in stronger chains. Giving vested interpretation to Islam and nationhood, these enemies of Sindh are all time busy in diverting the attention of the people from their real problems. The step-motherly treatment of the Central Government, the unending exploitation of Punjabi Muhajir combine and the bare betrayals of their own politicians have compelled the people of Sindh to seek salvation for the freedom of their land.



In Sindh, there are more than 520 lakes and water ponds, according to report of the fisheries department, there are 721 Lakes, ponds and water channels, from which about 15 thousand tons fish is procured every year. There is a vast Sea-Coast from which more than 2 lakhs tons of fish is caught every year. Which helps in earning foreign exchange. The benefit of that goes to central government and Sindh is left as an onlooker. Before Sindh Agricultural Commission, there were several schemes for the improvement of fisheries in Sindh. From the interior of Sindh, fish was to be brought to Urban areas. The scheme of refrigeration, cold-storage and conservation were prepared. But instead of the fish, these schemes were put in cold-storage for the simple reason that it did not benefit the vested interests.



Taxes collected by the Central Government from Sindh under various heads are as under:

                    i ) Customs Rs. 5491800,000/- in 1975-76

ii) Excise duty Rs. 44867,00,000/=

iii) Income Tax & Corporation Tax Rs. 36530,00,000/-

iv) Sales Tax Rs. 200,04,00,000/-

v) Salt Tax Rs. 60,20,00,000/=

vi) and other Taxes Rs. 46520,000/=

The total taxes taken by the center from Sindh come to Rs.16,69,91,00,000/=. The irony is that a little percentage of our own money is given back to us in the form of loans and grants. One of the many white elephants the center has reared is gigantic central civil administration, which consumes quite a big portion of G.N.P. Even bigger part so spent on the armed forces which have put extra-ordinary burden upon the economy with its evil influences of higher rate of taxes, inflation, rising prices and worse still the malady of borrowing on Olympian scale.

The major income comes from Sindh port which is approximately Rs. 500,00,00,000/= and the other income of Rs. 4,00,00,00,000/- comes from the income tax and Excise duty. The number of industries units in Sindh is bigger than in any other province. The greater portion of income tax also comes from Sindh, which is approximately Rs. 3,00,00,000/-. The sales tax is about Rs. 200,00,00,000 /= . The salt tax is to the extent of Rs. 60,00,00,000A . This also comes from Sindh and the other income earned from Sindh is to the extent of Rs. 2,00,00100,000/=

The total income taken from Sindh is about Rs.16,60,00,00,000/ annually. Income from the WAPDA, PIDC, Railway, PIA etc is never disclosed. The Central Government gives to Punjab Rs.170,40,00,000/- and Sindh Rs. 621 ,00,000 /= . In 1975-76 the total revenue of Punjab was Rs. 2,99,60,00,000/- and that of Sindh was Rs. 1 ,23,40,00,000/=. From these facts it will be known that the central expenses are mostly spent on the subjects of defense and other central departments, which is almost monopolized by Punjab. The central government give Rs. 170,40,00,000/- to Punjab, and to Sindh only Rs. 62,10,00,000/- as debt. Now in 1973 the total number of buses, trucks, cars was 4,57,816, our of which 29718 were buses, 49345 trucks and 163042 motor cars. Out of which Punjab had 201311 buses, trucks and motors. In Sindh the total buses, trucks and motorcars were 208262. In Pakistan there were in 1974,521 Hospitals, 2782 dispensaries, 671 maternity homes. Out of that Punjab had 239 hospitals, 1136 dispensaries and 421 maternity homes. In Sindh there were only 134 hospitals, 873 dispensaries and 112 maternity homes. In 1974 in Pakistan the total number of newspapers was 836 dailies and 270 weeklies. In Punjab the total number of newspapers was 479. Out of which 43 were daily and 155 weekly. In Sindh the total number of newspapers was 256, of which 24 were daily and 71 weekly.

Every year about 20 lakhs laborers sent to their provinces, money earned from Sindh, to the extent of 300 crore rupees and Punjabi Zamindars owning land in Sindh sent 300 crore rupees annually out of Sindh. 1520 Industries established in Sindh, sent annually 1000 crore rupees outside Sindh. Sindh contributes to central taxes about 1000 crore rupees annually. The non-Sindhis in Sindh from foreign and whole-sale trade earn to the extent of 1000 crores. WAPDA, PIDC, Railway etc. Sindh give the outsiders 500 crore of rupees. The total annual money, which goes outside Sindh to outsiders is more than 4100 crore of rupees annually.



In 1928, when I was elected the president of Karachi Local Board, I went out to visit villages, that I found, their condition there was shocking. There were no roads, hardly any schools. Sanitary conditions were even worse. Medicare was almost non-existent. Drinking water was miserable. People lived in sub-human conditions But the worst affected were women-folk. They suffered status wise, health wise and over worked. I could easily contrast the whole situation with the one I had seen in Bombay. A few years earlier, the great revolution had taken place and through newspapers and other means we came to know the tremendous efforts that were being made to ameliorate and emancipate the people. We also knew the progress that was being made by the Western countries. We also wanted to work for the rural welfare uplift. Mr. Jeathmal Parsram, Jamshed Mehta, Hatim Alvi and other Sindhi well-wishers were our companions. We realized that it was not easy to bring about the reforms in Sindh. As in every thing else we were subordinate to Bombay government. Sindh was part of it. Bombay was far from Sindh. We couldn't take our grievances to government of Bombay. We, therefore, came to the conclusion, that without the separation from Bombay presidency our difficulties could not be reduced. We worked for the separation of Sindh from Bombay Presidency. Ultimately we got Sindh separated from Bombay. Then restarted through Sindh Assembly work for the progress of Sindh. I became Minister of Education and Industries and visited factories, colleges and university at Bombay and attended all India National Planning Commission under the leadership of Jawahar Lal Nehru and prepared the plans and schemes for the development of the country. But we came to know that so long as the country is under the domination of British imperialism, nothing much could be achieved. Freedom from the foreign rule was the only solution. Therefore we started working for freedom of country. The second handicap, which I had to face was that most of our Muslim population lived in villages and rural areas. The urban population consisted mostly of Hindus who had vested interests against the majority.

This second factor prompted the Muslims of Sindh to strive for independence and placed them in the main stream of all India politics, which in its wake brought about the partition of the Sub-Continent and emergence of independent Pakistan and Bharat. But after the establishment of Pakistan our experience has taught us that vested interests are not necessarily a characteristic of one religion or the other and have come to the conclusion that the place of Hindu vested interests has been taken by the Muhajirs and Punjabi vested interests. Sindh's internal autonomy is necessary for the improvement of local conditions. but the central government and Punjabi vested interests have become insurmountable hindrances. Their predecessors have caught Sindh like a bird that has fallen in the snare. Sindh must continue to disencumber itself and get riddance and relief. The unending machinations of the vested interests handed by the Central Government have continued to enslave Sindh. It was the influx of aliens, the separation of Karachi form rest of Sindh, repeated dismissals of Sindh cabinets, dissolution of provincial assembly, governor's rule and finally obliteration of provincial boundaries in the form of One-Unit. When after the interminable struggle, One-Unit was dismembered. Sindh instead of getting the right of provincial autonomy was interloped and interlocked in the clutches and claws of the high-handedness of the ruthless central government and alien capitalists who mostly hold form Punjab and those who had migrated from India.

Though our struggle against One-Unit was to redeem the provincial status and autonomy for Sindh for its good. But the conspirators plotted and schemed to exclude Sindhis, particularly rural population from the fruits of their revival and renaissance in the name of Muslim nation and Islamic brotherhood, as if only the aliens and outsiders were Muslims and Sindhis were not. As such under the patronage and protection of the authoritative central government, all exploitative elements were sponsored and supported, the main players in the booty were the Punjabis and Muhajirs. Sindhis made hue and cry for their just rights but to no avail. The loot and plunder continues unabated. After the establishment of Pakistan central government to manipulate the establishment of industries for their favorites kept industries, commerce and trade ministries under its control. These ministries have issued innumerable permits and licenses and given billions of rupees to these favorites. But no Sindhis worth mention have benefited from such industrialization either in the form of investor or laborer. The exposure of such prejudicial policy has always been branded with ready-made labels of anti-Islam, anti-Pakistan provincialists and parochial.

We claim and insist that we have been Sindhis and lived in Sindhi for thousands of years. We have been a separate nation and land for as many years. No one can believe that historical fact and therefore we have that right as well as duty to think talk and act in terms of Sindh. We can never abandon nor abdicate our rights and duty in favor of the fake and false pronouncements Surrender we cannot. Extricate we must. Unless the robust reality of provincial existence is appreciated and their utility accepted, the independence will become a parody of itself and the rupture inevitable. Let all concerned get the message clearly.

The incessant incendiarism of the alien capitalists and wishful Punjabi imperialists have committed such heinous crimes against Sindh that they can neither be forgiven nor forgotten. Some of them are as under:-


i) With the ill-gotten wealth they bought and published daily newspapers and periodicals that propagated lies and half-truths, prejudices and venomous against Sindhis in general and nationalists in particular.

ii) They sponsored and supported Jamait Islami organization, a very reactionary party the leadership was a turn coal and an agent of Muhajir, Punjabi imperialism. Its main design was to malign the nationalists, spread made-up stories against them concoct and fabricate interpretation of Islam and Qura'an to suit the aggrandizement of its pay masters.

iii) Although the original Sindhis, Kutchies, Gujraties and Marwaries spoke Sindhi in public retaining their mother tongues within their families and houses. They sent their children to Sindhi medium schools and studies as the original Sindhi children. But these Adventists from Punjab and India forced and compelled them to join Urdu medium schools.

iv) They incited, invited and engaged people from outside Sindh for all sorts of jobs. Thus replacing Sindhi Labor increasing unemployment and joblessness. Not only that would to the detriment of the Sindhi language, culture and ethos in the cities.

v) Through their middle men they have been man they have been manipulating the prices of agricultural commodities, perishable and nonperishable. in this way they are lynching the agriculturists who are mostly Sindhis. Taking undue advantage of the lending facilities of the banks and other financial institutions these fosterages of the foisted central and provincial governments are pursuing the policies of their predecessors. The money lenders to inflict pauperism and bankruptcy to agriculture and the peasant. The stealthy, felonious and foul policies are no less than the stomata on body politic of Sindh and its nationhood. As for the mineral resources like coal, gas and our, Sindhis have no control at allover them. Such multi-sided spikes cannot create any good will but enmity animosity and hatred.

 Since the inception of Pakistan, Sindh has been treated maliciously and malevolently, whether it be so called democratic governments, martial-laws or One-Unit by these money makers and malignant. The table given below gives a sample of the factories established in Sindh with the share and percentage of production:
  S. No. Factories of production No. Percentage of Production 1. Food 150 43.86%
2. Drinking & Juice 8 33.23%
3. Tobacco Cigarette making Companies 9 56.25%
4. Textile Mills 420 52%
5. Garment Factories 16 74%
6. Leather factories 21 50%
7. Shoe and Chappal Factories, excluding Rubber 13 100%
8. Ginning and processing 9 23%
9. Wood and Crocks making factories excluding furniture 9 42.17%
10. Furniture making factories excluding iron furniture 16 44.44%
11. Paper and things manufactured from it 19 75%
12. Printing & Publishing presses 91 57.48%
13. Pharmaceutical manufacturing laboratories 46 51.79%
14. Metals excluding Iron manufacturing companies 5 50%
15. Artificial metal Manufacture, excluding Machinery 9 34.25%
16. Tool manufacturing factories 49 18%
17. Transport making factories 49 18%
18. Scientific apparatus Manufacturing 18 54%
19. Photography 8 18.55%
20. Handicraft Factories I 5.07%
21. Sports making factories 1 7.04%
22. Machinery parts making factories 37 29.25%



I have narrated earlier in the book that SINDHU DESH since last 5000 years has remained a separate country and people residing in it, had their separate script, language civilization and citizenship. The country became so famous for its riches that the outside imperialists from time to time, for the sake of exploitation and loot, invaded the country. The people acquired education from various religions and remained tolerant and believed in co-existence. The synthesis of the different teachings gave birth to the doctrine of Sufism. The vicissitudes of time and the repeated out-side invasion brought in their wake many sufferings b~ Sindhis were able to get rid of misfortune and manacles and regained their freedom and preserved language and culture, freedom and dignity, protecting and preserving their language and culture. Patriotism, their traditions and sense of separate nationhood sustained them with fortitude, they would emerge as a free nation.

The integration of Sindh into Bombay presidency by the Britishers created manifold difficulties and hardships, because the seat of administration was distant, the grievances were not redressed. The riddance and separation from Presidency was the solution. Despite the British toadies and lackeys the struggle for separation was launched. The front fighters among others were Messers Seth Herchand Rai Vishindas, Ghulam Mohammed Bhurgari, Jamshed Mehta, Hajji Abdullah Haroon, Jethmal Parsram, Shaikh Abdul Majid, Mohammed Ayoub Khuhro, Pir Ah Mohammed Shah Rashdi and myself. The main thrust and argument for separation was that Sindhi was a separate country and nation. The Britishers conceded and Sindh was separated and given a status of a province.

The so-called two nation theory partitioned the sub-Continent. To our lack of anticipation and pre-meditation we had to suffer to be a province of Pakistan. Sindh and Bengal were the two independent counties when the Britishers conquered them in the nineteenth century. But when the British Raj ended, the original position of these two countries was not reverted to. The feeling of deprivation and injustice done to Sindh awakened an awareness in politically conscious Sindhis This awareness scared the vested interests of the new imperialists. In order to cover their guilt and wickedness, they fabricated false deeds and devices in the name of theories, doctrines and ideologies to be used as weapons against Sindh for their interests. Of such devices the main were:


i) The reality of the countries and the nations existed before the British conquest was denied and its place a new theory on one Muslim nationhood and new country was introduced. The midnight birth on 14-8- 1947 was neither real nor historical because nations and countries are never born overnight.

ii) Trying to destroy the spiritual wealth and store house of the languages of the original peoples, a language without roots and roaming, Urdu, was imposed as a national language.

iii) The central government was made strong to grab all the economic resources of the various provinces, and use them for the vested interests of Muhajir and Punjabis.

iv) Giving a fabricated interpretation of Islam the separate existence of Sindhi nation was rejected and Sindhi nationalism was considered a crime.

v) In the name of democracy, Sindh has been eternally subjected to Punjab majority.

vi) With unchangeable majority of Punjab backed by Military, Sindh and other smaller province have been kept permanently under hegemony of Punjab.

vii) Repeated imposition of Martial Laws to colonize the people of smaller nations and to rob them of their resources.


In order to caution the people in time against this fraternity of things, I wrote and published the following main thesis i) Struggle for new Sindh.

ii) Present political problems.

iii) Separation of Sindh from Bombay.

iv) Lectures of G.M. Syed

v) Sindhu Desh, a nation in chains (Sindhi and English)

vi) Pakistan's past, present and future, a retrospect and prospect

vii) A review on Muslim countries' leaders conference.

viii) As I have seen the Picture. (English religion and reality)

ix) Sindh's story.

x) My story through my writings.

xi) Sindhi culture.

xii) Discovery of Sindhu Desh and its mission.

xiii) Pakistan must be disintegrated.


The last mentioned title is a part of the 12th book written by me. The theory of Pakistan is false and fraudulent. I don't think it is necessary to dwell any more on the subject. More than enough has already been said and written by me. I have always insisted and proved that the peoples of Pakistan have never been one historically, language and culture wise. Their concept of religion, economic problems and political aims and objects have always been at variance with one another. People that have hardly anything in common can under no circumstances claim commons nationhood.

(2) To claim national status for Urdu language cannot be justified. Every nation is separate and different on the basis of its geographical territory. In Sindh for thousands of years, Sindhi has been the only language in use. The details of which have been given in the third chapter if it is being imposed over and above Sindhi language. The infant and outside language has no right to displace the people's language of thousands of years in age and use. Urdu language is not a language of any province, Islam which was revealed in Arabic language and is connected with Hebrew. This Urdu language will be equivalent to surrendering to the imperialism of Muhajir and Punjabis. If the Punjabis are prepared to forget their language which is rich with classical work of Bulla Shah, War's Shah, Guru Nanik, Khawaja Farid and Shah Bahu that convey message of love and accept the teachings of British agent. Dr. lqbal we can only feel sorry for them but cannot help. But they must know that even Dr. Lqbal realized his mistake and gave up writing in Urdu and wrote his poetry in Persian. On the otherside the Pakhtoons have also forgotten the teachings of Khush Hal Khan Khattak, who taught them the lessons of patriotism. If they also abandon their heritage, it is their lookout . Balochies condition is miserable. Their country is divided in four languages. One part speaks Pushto, the other part speaks Brauhvi, the thud part speaks Sindhi and fourth speaks Baluchi. Their total population is about 30 lakhs. Out of which hardly Baluchi speaking people are 12 lakhs. I do not know on which basis they can accept Urdu as the national language, except on gun point. I do know what crime Sindhis have committed, for which their advanced language of thousands years should be superceded? in Sindh, people coming from Punjab, speak Punjabi in their houses, Gujraties speak Gujrati in their house, Marwari speak Marwari in their houses. But in public they speak Sindhi language. If the commission of linguistic experts is appointed their verdict, lam sure, will be that Sindhi language is richer than Urdu language. How can Sindhis accept this landless rootless and roaming Urdu language. In all respects its is inferior to Sindhi language. No nation can be formed without geographical territory and language without nation has got no status. The reaction of Bengalis against language of Pakistan was not only violent but sowed the seeds of their cessation. Thus Urdu has already done a great harm. In Sindh, the mercenary minister Pir Illahi Bux was persuaded to thrust Urdu upon Sindhis. But the experiment failed. To continue to foist a foreign language is to be indifferent to history and refuse to learn from the past experience. This autocratic attitude of being wise is folly and foolish as wisdom is bound to drive the people of Sindh to withdraw from the present arrangement.


(3) The central Government has arrogated of the state powers. It is mostly and permanently a Punjabi dominated demoniac. In such a situation Sindh loses its special identity and remains an appendent only.

Mr. Jinnah probably was either indifferent or ignorant of the history of the sub-continent. He should have known the abortive attempts made by Ashuk, Chandur Gupta, Akbar the Great, Aurangzeb and finally the Britons to keep India intact. To his good fortune Mr. Jinnah died a year later after the establishment of Pakistan and thus God saved him to see the complete collapse of his short-sighted policies. Bengalis refuted the two nation theory of one Muslim nation and parted company. If the present evil continues in principle and practice, time may not be far off when Sindhis will also be compelled to choose their own path. After the partition of India, Liaquat Ali invited several thousand Muslims from India to come and colonize Sindh and capture its resources. He soled out factories trade, main services, banks and agricultural land of Sindh to these immigrants. Because he was reluctant to make Punjabis the consorts in the spoils and plunder, he was assassinated. Since then the Punjabi Muhajir combined political and economic casino continued, the major share of the gambling transaction going to Punjabis and the rest to Muhajirs. When Mr. Bhutto contrived to capture political power, he also continued the same policies. He tried not only to protect and preserve the interests of his patrons but to perpetuate them as well. The scape-goat in the game was Sindh. Mr. Bhutto betrayed Sindh and was betrayed by Punjab and hanged. After him, under the cover of Martial Law, Jamait-e-Islami the most retrogressive and reactionary party is trying once again to play the part of an agent of Punjab imperialism and continue the subjection and servitude of Sindh. lt. is even trying once more to merge Sindh into Punjab. But that is as big folly as the Arabs made when they wanted to bring all conquered lands under one Khilafat. History is an evidence against such adventurism but the institution of Khilafat has been abolished. So if the Punjabis are dreaming of establishing their imperialism through Jamati-e-Islam, let them be sure that like Arab imperialism and Khilafat, their fate too will not be different

A friend of mine Ghulam Mustafa Bhurgari has all along held the opinion that every Pakistan Government motivated by greed and gain, must of necessity be grabbed and controlled by those who can deceive and defraud on one hand and inflict autocracy and arbitrariness on the other and thus add insult to the spirit of independence and injury to the democracy. The rule in Pakistan will always be a war of wits between the wile and the wicked, in which a better political sharper will win.

Let every one understand the difference between the Revealed writ and Jamait-e-Islami' 5 interpretation. The latter preaches creed and club, greed and grab whereas the former teaches fine values of life and assigns a moral purpose to it. I have read Moudodi the founder of Jamate-Islami, at length. His scholastic ability in the theology cannot be denied. But his vision about the political and economic realities of the percentage, his fanaticism and bigotry is harming rather than helping the Islamic values. And if his interpretations are allowed to influence the governments, then, Islam in Pakistan may have to endure the same sad end as did Christianity in Russia after the great revolution of 1917. The big blunders made by Mullahs are that they try to make prayer bigger than God and mix-up religion and politics and make a complete mess of the whole social system. In the words of Maulana Abul Kalam Azad that whenever religion and politics are mixed the indictment of the Mullahs and the sword of the soldier have been used for political tactics. The universal allegation against Jamait-e-Islami and its leadership is that it is serving the vested interests of its pay-masters within the country and those outside. With huge amounts of money, it is able to engage an army of paid workers and flood the market with cheap literature with a view to subdue and supplant the rising nationalism in Sindh. Though the rulers take temporary advantage of the tricks and tactics by using religion and the Mullah, yet in the long they have always done an irreparable harm to the golden principles of love, non-violence, coexistence and non-partisanship taught by all the revealed religions.

(4) Here in Sindh, we from the older generation refuse to be trapped by the tactical interpretation of religion by the Mullah and the military because of the teachings of our great Saint poets like Shah Latif, Sachal Sarmast and Sami But the new generation is in revolt against this outrageous and perverted interpretation and application of the religion. The misuse of Islam is creating a contrary effect on the minds of our youth. The triangular vested interests of Mullah, Military and Punjabi Muhajir combine are compelling and even disowning the whole fabrication. They can distinguish between a den and a devil and want to destroy the diabolism.



 So much do the representatives that we often fail to realize the significance of the change that this word represents accustom us to the word democracy as a rule. Democracy is a distinguished feature of modern civilized society. It preaches equality of individual and is hospitable to the plurality of ideas. It gives rise to a preformed change in attitudes towards the individual and his place in the community. It opens the way for individual activity and social mobility Democracy challenges the long existent decadent social hierarchies and arouses the sentiment of nationalism. It stimulates drive for equalitarian change maintains equilibrium and adjustment between conflicting demands, creates deliberately conditions of social well being demanded by the doctrine of equality. All these noble goals if achieved through erecting safeguards against Adventists. It promotes decentralization and localization of powers, authority through framing of constitutions based on the common consent and accommodation for differing interests.

The chief characteristic of democracy is to provide institutions and guarantees as well as regular, periodic and peaceful change of government and power, respect for different even opposite points of view, an open opportunity to analyze issues, criticize and limit governmental actions and authority. It permits independent purveyance of news and views and formulation of judgments. It necessitates political parties to keep constant contact between the public and the leaders and representatives. Thus freedom of speech, of association and of assembly are essential to its spirit and life.

In short democracy is a freedom of choice among ideas and leaders. But on the spectrum of political alternative we have had stateism, personalization of leadership and power, unscrupulous and repressive regimes, concentration of powers, a fake mandate for authorititerianism, constitutional autocracy and characteristic colonial control. Our entrance in independent Pakistan was on the equal basis of Autonomy and Sovereignty for our nation. But the post-independence period attests to a tragic story of home betrayals, reversal of trends and shuffling of events in the name of fake and false ideologies, religion and democracy, an unending fraud and deceit wicked and villains have been imposed upon us. Brutal ruthlessness, shameless cunning and thorough going selfishness are the talisman of the rulers. And worst of them all is the religion-political authority. All these have been taking this country from one dilemma to another in delirium.

Pakistan politics has been suffering from the perennial paradox of lusty materialism, feverishly money mad interests and a race/rule on one hand and altruistic minds on the other. It has become a prey to a perpetual antithesis of the forces, the dynamic tendency towards change and the State insanity towards status-quo.

The repressive racial regimes have continued to patent and prescribe their standardized rule based on domination usurpation and exploitation and Sindh has been singled Out in particular to suffer these conspicuous sources of danger to its existence. The evil designs, atrocities and outrages have produced acute perturbations of mind and violent antipathies. The submerged and suppressed masses of Sindhi have come out of their slumber and sleep and have decided to get rid of regimentation and militarism, conformity and infirmity. The liquidation of the marathon is on their agenda. To perform the historic task of general and social reconstruction Sindhis have decided to design a political road-map in the formation of an independent and harmonious Sindhu Desh which will rationalize, universalize and humanize the operation of the political power. Though at present the forces against seem to be immovable, the objective is arrest able and the faith prevent. It is not an idea only but an idea also.

The perennial struggles of slaves against masters, plebian against patricians, serfs against feudal, bourgeois against landed gentry, proletariat against bourgeois, workers against capitalists, democrats against dictators, nationalists against imperialists furnish the dramatic examples of ideas in action and the perfect precedents of successful deal against force and fraud. Power based on exploitation and prostration, aggrandizement and acquisition must lie buried under its own debris at one or the other stage. That is history. And history shall not be left to the ruthless vested interests in Pakistan.

Man is a queer and quizzical creature. Kind and cruel. Sympathetic and apathetic, benevolent and brutish, social and solitary, he oscillates between two extremes, when God created the universe, He sent His Prophets to teach and preach harmony and homogeneity. These great men discharged their divine duty and resumed to Eternity. but unfortunately their successors and followers, noble exceptions apart, injected new dogmas and doctrines and fouled the whole mission of these divine guides. Instead of thinking the mission forward, they committed cruelties and barbarities in the name of crusades and holy wars.

To the good fortune of humanity, simultaneous with these mad forces, there appeared from time to time, reformer, redeemers, philosophers and thinkers who continued to remind the humanity of the divine will and wish. But the inflated egoism and unmitigated authority, unaccredited agents and missionaries sans mission infected with imbecility and ineptitude fostered the hemlock and the crucification, Karbala and Hiroshima, concentration camps and cuts. Vietnam and Bangladesh carnageís. Thus fratricide, annihilation and domination replaced the noble principles of toleration, coexistence and fraternity.

The frailties and failings apart, the conscientious members of the human race never ceased 10 articulate and exalt the enabling ideals of social amelioration. But unfortunately these ideals from Hellenic and Greeks to Mediaeval and modern limes, made but little headway. The present heirochiol system and stratification have been as ruinous and reckless as they have been through out the written history.

The burgeoning transmutation of the noble ideals was going too far and becoming too distressing because of the Industrial Revolution. The abuses of economic over lordship were growing as offensive as those of political over lordship. As a result of this state of affairs, a fierce and flaming passion for relief and redress through revolutionary reforms was gestating in the wounds of society. Struggle for economic justice became the host of all liberal sentiments. But it was the great glory of Socialist thought that broke through the massive crust to correct the inequities of economic system.

Socialism in its initial impulse and influence was a dynamic theory and a tremendous impetus for action. A creative force like that should have failed to conquer the obstacles is a travesty so tragic and painful. Though so much blood has been shed in its name that even comparison becomes cruel, yet the grinding lot of the masses and the heavy toll of the subject classes have not achieved their desired economic position. They have not been able to translate their will into law. The submerged masses remain submerged and more numerous. The privileged remain privileged, the rich, richer and the ruling classes continue to rule. So the discontent continues to accumulate. Admittedly that ingrained in Socialism are so many merits and the faith in the fair deal is fervent but its emphasis on ends only ignoring the ethics and morals of the means and methods probably caused its setback. Besides it is being eclipsed by still a nobler Sentiment of rising nationalism.

Religion, democracy and socialism are all human in ideals and intentions. But in Pakistan religion has beep corrupted, democracy has been mauled beyond recognition and socialism has been prostituted. And now all the political rascals find the last refuge under the umbrella of one or the other. We have already mentioned how deplorably the Punjabi Muhajir clique has depleted the sanctity and sacredness of religion and put it on the shopping list as a commercial commodity. They doublet of these commercial customs of religion are the so-called socialists of Sindh as far as Sindhi nationalism is concerned. The double-rivet the deceit by working as agents of the common enemy of Sindh. They divert the attention and energies of Sindhi Nationalists against the real enemy i.e. the Punjabi Muhajir vested interest and all their guns against their own kith and kin in the name of economic determinism and class-struggle. As in case of religion the mercenaries are recruited to fight for the protection and preservation of vested interests so are the Socialists to perpetuate the same interests by creating hatred between the classes, promising the down-trodden the lost paradise, by creating conflicts and confusion among the rank and file of the nationalists and thus divide or debase the spirit and forces of Sindhi nationalism to please their paymasters. But for the association of the coffee house intellectuals and easy chair academicians, with socialism, these gratified socialists should live disappeared disrespectfully from both sides of the equation, the socialism and the nationalism. But the Sindhis should all the time beware of these noisy grasshoppers, the counterfeit socialists.

The nationalists are not against socialism. On the contrary they believe that each exercises on inexorable influence upon the other. Only the priorities differ. The nationalists believe that the extension, perfection and application of nationalism will automatically promote the growth of socialism.

The inauspicious augury of Pakistan was made by violating the basic contact of autonomy and sovereignty of the constituent "Units" followed by swallowing the provincial status of Sindh and its merger with greater Punjab i.e. One Unit and an unending imposition of militarism and monopoly for greed and gain at the cost of Sindh, and all with impunity. This disgrace and degradation has increased manifold after East Bengal disenchanted itself from the tightly twisted Muslim nationalism, an even otherwise ingenuous concept.

Though the Bengalis had to pay a heavy price in life, blood and chastity in fighting against the devils of death land, they freed themselves from the swaddling clothes of the Punjabi-Muhajir political domination, economic exploitation and religious commercialization. Since the defeat and debacle of this tri-corporate in Bengal, these tri-cornegorous and mendacious cannibals have decided to devour Sindh politically, economically and culturally to change its demography and ethics. The so-called national press owned and controlled by these vested interests the corrupt and prejudiced bureaucracy the lambfat industrialists and the disc-folker intellectuals have joined them for the complete intimidation of our beloved Sindh coupled with the plunderage and pillage of the outsiders and aliens are our own gratified socialists who like a bee carry honey in her mouth and sting in the tail. They talk lend and wear cassocks of amelioration and emancipation for the down trodden but created hatred and enmity on the basis of classes but hardly utter a word against the alien vested interests. The non-stop of influx from every where, the web of military cantonments, the robbery of Indus water, the linguistic subservience, the cultural humiliation and a host of other grievnees (10 not attract their attention. They wear lethal weapons being used systematically against Sindh for its extinction. It is high time that Sindhis should fortify themselves against these subverts, the snake in the grass. The nationalists know fully well that political power and economic power are a support for each other. Both use exploitation against the masses. The nationalists are neither unaware nor indifferent to the plight of the underprivileged. They not only want the struggle for honorable existence to proceed without alleviation but want to give it strength also. What they suspect in these false claims of amelioration is that they mean to circumvent the rising tide of nationalism at the behest of their masters.

At the moment Sindhis are merely lodged on their own premises as on-lookers for their industrial estates and subservient to the gigantic cultural government. The nationalists are aiming at becoming proprietors instead of mere lodgers, owners instead of on-lookers and self-rulers instead of subjects. That is their first priority. Once they achieve these objectives, nationalism will enlarge its scope and application to perfection of society and purge and purify the whole fabric from the decadent classes whether that be Zamindars or industrialist, Bureaucrats or baron.

The question is normally raised why such a priority. The answer is simple. Apart from many other significant examples; the most outstanding precedent in Sindh about such a pseudo-socialists is Mr. Zulfikar Ah Bhutto. Though himself a feudal in background, he raised a bogey of socialism. Disguising his designs for grabbing power he successfully befooled and beguiled the people under the banner of Islamic Socialism. Re misguided the people into belief that led them by the nose-hauling rope to the doom and derision. Bhutto played a double-trick upon the people of Sindh. Re would call himself a Sindhi and a socialist. In fact he was neither. He was a planted man and an artificial triple-cross, Punjabi people, and military, American imperialism on one hand were assured by him of his unflinching loyalty and a cunning and dexterous dramatic methods captured and hypnotized Sindhi sentiment on the other. The multi-dimensional damage that this Sindhi pseudo socialist did to Sindhi and its people is immeasurable. The inequities and indignities, the flood-gates open for aliens and strangers in Sindh and the atrocious attitudes were the cuts and bruises. Sindh suffered during his rule. The constant characteristic of his rule was that he sedated the people with his demagoguery and robbed them of their rights. the prospered on slogan mongering and kept people to live on hopes and promises that lie never meant to fulfil. Cunning and shrewd as he was he used the slogan of socialism, to harass and lowdown the already half-servile feudal lords and bighorns. All clustered around him. What in fact he wanted was only personal projection and power. The party and his brand of socialism were the apparatus he use to achieve his personal ends. Expecting socialization from a band of eternal exploiters like Makhdooms, Mirs, Jams and Bhuttos headed by him was asking for impossible. Lest the real nationalists expose his designs and explode his myth, he unleashed all repression and rigors against them. And in his own party, he corrupted the more vocal workers giving permits and licenses. Those who hung their hopes on his socialism were thrown behind bars. What is more surprising and even shocking was the support the socialists and the communist lent to this agent of Punjabi-Muhajir imperialism. In short the self-styled socialists and communists, the vested interests in Pakistan and outside and leagued to entrench a clique that would betray socialism destroy democracy pervert religious interpretation and use all their stratagem to trick and deceive the people in general and throttle Sindhi nationalism in particular. Reviewing the situation, the role of the socialist and communist giants like U.S.S.R. and China is no different from the patrons of imperialism like U.S. .A. and U.K. Both continue to support the oppressive and treacherous rulers. For the submerged and the suppressed people of Sindh Baluchistan and Frontier, the role of one is ignominious and that of the other is abominable.



The readers of the history of British rule, will know that after conquering Sindh, the British Government merged Sindh with the Bombay presidency for their administrative convenience, they reduced Sindh to the status of Commissioner's Division. The harms which were done under that period can be narrated below:

(i) Bombay was at a great distance from Sindhi. Officials did not give much attention to the problems of Sindh. In those days there were no roads nor canals were dug or Barrages constructed in Sindh. There were hardly any high schools and colleges in Sindh. Sindh was doubly neglected colony. Neither the British Officers in Sindh nor the Presidency Bureaucrats catered to the needs of Sindh. Lack of proper communication and metal roads, disinterestedness in improving and increasing agricultural sector, indifference to public health and complete neglect of educational facilities were the dismal and appalling pictures of Sindh as part of Bombay Presidency.

From Karachi to Sukkur, on both sides of the Indus, there was no road. Because of that trains made the longer journey. But the movement in the interior remained primitive or mediaeval i.e. on camels, bullock carts or on foot. Karachi port was not developed because it would have affected financial interests of Bombay port. To reach Bombay, journey by sea was not only hazardous but risky as well. So people went by Indus upto Multan and Lahore, then to Delhi and Bombay. Lack of port facilities resulted in loss of the foreign trade also.

Education suffered a criminal neglect at the hands of the administration. Had it not been for the philanthropy of some non-Muslim and Muslim gentlemen, there would have been no colleges and high schools. Non-Muslims opened N.E.D. Engineering college and D.J. College at Karachi and National College at Hyderabad and number of high schools and Muslims opened madrasís at Karachi, Naushehro Feroze, Sukkur and Larkana and high schools at Hyderabad and Tando Bago. But these madarassas and high schools could hardly meet the need of the 75% Muslim population of Sindh. The only interest the bureaucracy had in Sindh was to visit the interior during hunting trips and shoot partridges and indulge in big game hunting. And such visits displayed more royalty than any thing else. The total neglect continued to make conditions more deplorable. The situation remained unchanged between l848 and 1911 A.D.

When the British government decided to give some nominal reforms to India, Councils were established. Bombay Council was one of them. It had only three members from Sindh. But the presidency covered a vast area and population, the members from Maharashter and Gujrat were apathetic and ignorant of the prevalent conditions of Sindh. The voice of Sindh through these three members was not heard and heeded.

The total economic life of Sindh depended on agriculture. There was no canal or barrage system. The average rainfall was very low and monsoon seasons were either very short or intermittent. So agriculture was a gamble in rain. Often times the gamble did not pay and Sindh was afflicted with the curse of famine. So the representatives from Sindh repeatedly emphasized the introduction of a system of small channels and water-course commonly known as 'Karias'. Instead of extending the helping hand, the representatives from other areas would laugh away and taunt.

The cumulative effect of this apathy and scorn was that the elite of Sindh decided to start a movement for separation of Sindh from Bombay. Hindu Bureaucracy, the merchants and even the Bombay Government opposed it. Though the British Government in 1920, but the movement introduced some additional reforms for separation continued. Ultimately the All India Congress Organization also supported the struggle and it became a mass movement. The stalwarts of this movement were Rais Ghulam Mohammed Bhurgari, Seth Harchand Rai Vishindas, Jamshed Mehta, Jethmal Parsram, Shaikh Abdul Majid Sindhi, Mohammed Ayoub Khuhro, Hajji Abdullah Haroon, myself and many others. The movement, despite opposition from vested interests, succeeded and Sindh regained its separate entity and status. But the intervening period of merger had already done an irreparable loss and major portion of the brunt was borne by Muslims of Sindh because they were in majority, rural and rustic agriculturists.

The Sindhi Muslim Zamindars, in spite of economic well being never sent their children for education and thus they were left behind in the race for progress. On the other hand the Hindu affluent class engaged their attention on education and created an understanding with their British rulers and entered into government services which helped them to earn money to receive patronage and increase their commerce and trade. So they continued to prosper. The Muslims because of their uncertain irregular incomes used to mortgage or sale their lands to this new moneyed-class. The Hindus who hardly owned a few thousand acres of land, acquired about thirty lakhs of acres by money lending, mortgaging or outright purchase. The ignorance of civil law by Muslims added to the property and riches of the Hindus. The newly acquired prosperity and plenty of money added to their property, prestige and power. The details of such acquisition have been given by me in the book titled "Separation of Sindh from Bombay". Because our lone voice was not being heard in the All India Political noisy world, we had to seek help of All India Muslim League and Khilafat Movement. The minority Muslim provinces were facing a number of difficulties in their own areas. But because they were educated and politically aware, they could form communal organizations to pressurize the politics and politicians to give them more representation than their due. Our main purpose was separation from Bombay. To achieve this national objective the All India Politicians demanded a price in reducing our share of 75% in the assembly to 60% to give weightage to the Muslim minority provinces. Added this contrivance, as a condition, was the separate seats for Hindus and Muslims. This was too big a price to pay for acquiring provincial status for Sindh. The Sindh Assembly comprised of sixty seats, Muslim through 75% could only get thirty five seats because of the two unjust and black-mailing preconditions for separation. Lack of education, political awareness and consciousness, the eternal maladies of Sindhi Muslims were too big handicaps to be overcome. Moreover the masses were under the evil influence of the greedy and corrupt Zamindars, Pirs, Sajjada-e-Nash ins, Mirs and Feudal lords. They used to exercise their right of franchise at their biddings only. The member so elected held their personal gains and profits high and Supreme. They had never intended, thought or worked for the welfare of their electorates. The Hindu members are against the Muslim members, were educated and enlightened and worked under the Panchaits system. The gulf between the two sections of the Sindhi population continued to widen. A few Muslim members that tried to do some constructive work for the Sindhi masses chalked out a program to be implemented through the Sindh Assembly. One of the basic and immediate issues before us was to restrict proprietorship of agricultural land to cultivating class only. The Punjab Assembly already passed the same law. The few of us concentrated our efforts on reducing the inequities of the money-lenders, in getting government jobs for Muslims in proportion to their population, spreading a network of Schools in the villages linking villages with towns and cities through roads, diminishing and weakening the undue, influence and power of the chief feudal lords and bureaucrats. But unfortunately, the majority of elected Muslim members aligned themselves with Hindu vested interests and we were unable to translate our intentions into actions. Faced with such a situation we tried to achieve our purpose of amelioration through communal organization like the Muslim League. I admit it was our fatal political blunder. Taking refuge under religion for political purpose and subordinating politics to communalism had far reaching ill effects on the whole province. Though our intentions were high and noble, the support we sought was the result of either over-enthusiasm for welfare or short-sighted political acumen.

The masses of Sindh, religion apart, believed in the brotherhood of man. Under the influence of the wholesome and humanitarian teachings of mystic poets like Guru Nanik, Shah Inayat, Shah Latif, Sachal Sarmast, Sami, Rohal Fakir and others, they had imbibed the lessons of unity and peace. The Muslim League already communal organization, under the influence of fanatics from Muslim minority provinces threw a stone in this peaceful pond and create communal commissions and convulsions. The communal frenzy had reached such a climax that even a small spark could flare-up with a conflagration. An example of such mad menace was the ugly incident of "Masjid ManzilGah". After the conquest of Sindh, the British government converted an abandoned mosque with an administrative office. The mosque was situated in Sukkur ManzilGah. The Muslims wanted the original status of the mosque to be restored. It was an issue between the Muslims and the Government and Hindus had nothing to do with it except that there existed a Hindu temple 'Sadh Belo' in the middle of the Indus river opposite to this mosque. The Hindu community pressed its representation to impress upon the government not to hand over the premises of the mosque to the Muslims which infuriated the Muslims. The fanatics or better the agents provocateurs on both sides made it a question of life and death and gave it religious tenor and tone resulting in bitterness and Hindu Muslim Riots.

By temperament and training I am a firm believer in the doctrine of Sufism (Mystics) which teaches love, peace and co-existence. But my experience in the Sindh Assembly, where these very Hindu members in complicity with the Muslim members had frustrated our efforts for the welfare of the general masses, and had come out in favor of a demand in which Hinduism had no stake shocked me. And as a reaction I also joined the agitation on behalf of the Muslims. To be partisan in an unnecessary religious quarrel was against the personal mission of my life. On reflection I felt it means a mistake and complete deviation from my principles. The Hindus, to add fuel to the fire, sent for D. Monji a fanatic leader of Hindu Maha Sabha who vomited venom and contaminated the atmosphere even more.

The Muslim League leaders Hajji Abdullah Haroon, Shaikh Abdul Majid Sindhi, Khan Bahadur Khuhro and Ali Mohammed Rashdi, to score a point over Hindus, called the session of the Sindh Provincial Muslim League and requested Mr. Jinnah to preside over the session. On 10th October, 1938 the Provincial League passed a resolution demanding partition of India on communal basis. Subsequently such a resolution was also passed on 23rd March, 1940 by the All India Muslim League in its Lahore session. This resolution clearly stated that the Muslim Majority provinces would be made autonomous and sovereign states. The resolution envisaged Independent State Status for Sindh also. So I also got a resolution to that effect passed by the Sindh Assembly. The Lahore Resolution was incorporated in the basic principles of the League in the session held in 1941 at Madras. With passage of time we came to know that the League leaders from Muslim minority provinces had their own axe to grind and hoped to colonize the majority provinces by mass migration. So they called a session at Delhi in 1946 and changed the terminology to suit their designs. I could sense the mischief behind this contrivance and started resisting this change. Then League leadership took this as a personal affront and expelled us from the League. Under a compact, we decided to oppose Muslim league with the cooperation of nationalist congressite Hindus. When the British Cabinet Mission visited India, I, in my capacity as the leader of the opposition in Sindh Assembly demanded confederation of independent partition of India on communal basis and congress stuck to its original demand for free United India. But by that time people had already agreed on partition except Maulana Ubedullah Sindhi and Raj Gopal Acharia.

The end of the Second world war left many effects of tremendous impact in its wake. The British Empire was no exception. So the British government decided to divide India on communal basis and quit. One part of it was handedover to Congress and the other to Muslims. From Minority provinces came to majority provinces in millions and the majority of Hindus migrated to India. The influx and immigration into Sindh was of such a big magnitude that it secured that these lords of people were invading Sindh and colonizing it. So was it proved when they started occupying and grabbing everything, houses, residence, factories, industries and even educational institutions. Under the patronage of Liaquat Ah the first Prime Minister not only were these lords allowed to usurp and grab everything but those that remained behind in India were invited and tempted to come and partake in the booty. The concealed conspiracy became apparent and more menacing when these immigrants compelled Government to accede to their demands it was an eye-opener for us and the ensuring damages to the existence of Sindh. We were being thrown from frying pan of British imperialism to fire of Punjabi Muhajir imperialism. The central government headed by a Muhajir did all that against Sindh that the invading lords did to North India in the past. Making Punjabis their partners in the clandestine deal, the Muhajir Punjabi combine not only grabbed the movable and immovable property left behind by the emigrating Indus but captured government services and occupied agricultural lands of three barrages and Makhi Lake. The knock out blow came in the chopping of Karachi from the rest of Sindh. The plunder was not only base and degrading but violent and terrorist. The logic of the situation aroused suspicions and doubts about the spirit and purpose of independence. And Sindhis were forced to refute the gospel of greed with the counter acting principles and strategy. At the time of the separation of Karachi, I was kept under house-arrest. But that did not stop the Sindhi representatives and masses from demanding return of Karachi to Sindh, allotment of agricultural lands to Sindhis and recognition of Sindhis as a separate nation. Along with others, I got such resolution passed from the Assembly instead of accepting our just and genuine demands, the authorities sent me to jail.

The provincial cabinet during the period that these genuine demands of the people of Sindh were made, was headed by Mr. Abdul Sattar Pirzada, which created disturbance for the guilty and greedy central government. It found Mr. Pirzada a bone stuck in his throat. So they dismissed him along with his cabinet and in his place installed Mr. Ayoub Khuhro who was disqualified by the same central government taking part in politics and as such was not even the member of the Assembly. In return for that gratification Mr. Khuhro had promised to force Sindhis to merge into One-Unit. Tempted, enticed, threatened and coerced the spineless members to pass a resolution in favor of one unit amounting to death warrant for Sindhi Nation. In this evil design Pir Ah Mohammed Rashdi assisted Mr. Khuhro. Release from British subjection after a century heralded a new chapter in the history of Sindh. It was hoped that days of degradation were over and the newly won freedom will bring back the original independent position to Sindh. But Alas! that was not to be between separation from Bombay and inception of Pakistan, Sindh had only ten years of provincial status. Though we may not boast of a phenomenal progress during that period, yet many schools and colleges were established, the Sindh University Act was passed, many metallic roads were constructed, hospitals, dispensaries and maternity homes were opened. Two barrages on Indus, inaugurating a vast network of irrigation system and rising expectations of prosperity were constructed. Sindhi language was patronized and many cottage and big industries were established. Above all the sense of Sindhi nationalism was taking firm roots.

But God does not guarantee His gifts to the complacent Quarreling over a local issue; we the Hindus and the Muslims invited the Leviathan of All India politics and communalism and were unwittingly caught in its net gargen. No doubt the Hindus got the share of punishment for such stupidity and to leave their native land. But much worse was in store for the Muslims of Sindh who never knew that our coreligionists who replaced Hindus would behave like the victors and treat us like the vanquished. Their hunger and thirst for greed and gain would not be satisfied even after depriving us of our own national wealth. To obliterate historic, geographical boundaries of Sindh, these vested interests machinated and manipulated to merge Sindh into greater Punjab contemptuously called the One-Unit. These maligrants wanted to expropriate Sindhis from their rich resources, erase the ancient traditions by giving alien names to roads, hospitals educational institutions, market places, ports and barrages and also by imposing a fugitive language as the national language. To actualize their motives, they dispatched the spirit of independence into exile, put democracy in the wheel, breaking cabinets and constitutions.

(iv) The separate existence of the four provinces in West Pakistan was an eyesore for the Punjabi Muhajir vested interests. They did not want the respective provinces to work for the welfare of their own people. To protect and perpetuate their interests they had to depend on hatcheries. So they did, in the name of unity and integrity, an alien language Urdu was imposed upon Sindh. Urdu became an enemy of vehicles of oppression and exploitation against Sindh.

(vii) In the West Pakistan, there were several princely States. Bahawalpur State alone comprised of 17602 Sq. Miles which was attached with Punjab and immediately colonized by sending lords of Punjabis which is more painful even offensive is that to realize these sinister designs, Islam, socialism and democracy were exploited.

In fact there is nothing wrong with these three. On the contrary if properly applied they could have served the people better. They only wan Led to put them into the service of the vested interests. Since the intentions were not sincere therefore the results were a foregone conclusion. Instead of bringing about unity and integrity, these selfish motives gave rise to suspicion enmity and hatred. The country in general and Sindh in particular suffered immensely. The ruling clique after doing an irreparable loss to the whole Country, had to dismantle one-unit. It would be appropriate to narrate the causes of its failure:

(1) The most important question is that whether the people of West Pakistan could he classified as making one nation? If religion alone could have been the sole factor, then there would not be scores of Muslim and Christian States in our world. In fact there are many factors that go to make a nation and these factors stand the test of time and pass through a long and arduous parth of history. The Pashtoons the Balochies, the Siraikis the Punjabis and the Sindhis had their own long, separate and independent Status. The differences in languages and cultures, customs and traditions, economics and politics, geography and history were as apparent as they were real. The density of population and the demand on resources, the climate and topography, the occupation and professions were additional factors that gave separate and typical identities to these areas and territories. In short their sociology and psychology were at Varian with ore-another.

The Pashtoons and the Baluchis because of the paucity of resources and uncertainty of life were aggressive and militant. The Punjabis because of their over population wanted to grab more and more. Sindhi with its plenty of resources could easily support its population and was at peace with itself and its surroundings.

Even the supposed unifying bond i.e. religion was only hypothetical because the peoples of these areas did not only owe their spiritual allegiances to different religions but practiced many theologies and theories and believes in cults and creeds as well. In the course of history various measures were taken to reduce the religious differences between various peoples. Among those the following methods are worth-mentioning:


(a) That area, during the Mughal Empire's period from administrative point of view, was divided in three zones. Though in their practical administration there were many hindrances. One zone in the Mughal period, from Multan right up to Sindh's seaport, was kept under one administration. The second zone covered the area from Lahore right up to Peshawar. The third zone covered the area from district of Dera Ghazi Khan and whole of Baluchistan. But at the end of the Mughal era, the zonal frontiers were again altered. Multan was separated from Sindh and annexed with Punjab. Kalhoras and Dawood-Potas governed the Sindh, and Bahawalpur. And the third part namely Baluchistan because of the tribal system and influence went under Afghans. Lasbella State continued its connections with Sindh.

History teaches us that West Pakistan had never been one country or one nation.

(b) The area covered by West Pakistan contained followers of three distinct religions. As always, the power and property mongers created many differences to disrupt the unity of the faiths. But there was no dearth of the soul-searching saints who tried to retain the homogeneity. Among the many Khawaja Farid, Guru Nanik, Shah Bahu, Baba Bulla Shah, Shah Inayat, Shah Latif, Sachal Sarmast, Shah Nasir, Rohal Fakir, Sami and Dilpat were the stalwarts of peace and tolerance. Akbar the great wanted to bring Hindus, Muslims and followers of other religions near to each other and Dara Shikoh son of Shah Jehan followed this policy. But Aurangzeb on account of the influence of Ghulam Mohammed Sarhandi, believed in the supposed superiority of Muslim religion, which gave rise to hatred between the Hindus and Muslims. Aurangzeb spent his whole power in conquering the various territories, murdered his brothers and adopted a policy of bigotry creating not only ill will against Islam and Muslims but hatred and enmity. So after the death of Aurangzeb, Marhattas and Sikhs started their uprisings and captured power in many parts. So much so that even Delhi came under the control of Marhattas, who looted the greater part of Delhi. On the other side Sikhs nearly captured the whole Punjab right up to Peshawar and brought the influence of Mohammed Hashim Thatvi. The Kalhora rulers of Sindh also adopted a policy of fanaticism but after the overthrow of Kalhoras by Talpurs, this policy did not last long and the fanaticism subsided because of the influence of the teachings of Sindhi Sufis and Saints.

After that Britishers conquered Sindh and ran the government on the basis of secularism. But as they had conquered Sindh from Muslim rulers, so in accordance with their policy of divide and rule, they patronized Hindus in Sindh in trade, education and services. On the other side in Punjab the Britishers encouraged rivalry between Muslims and Sikhs for patronage and power. In 1857 first attempt was made in Delhi to dislodge the Britishers in which many Muslims and Hindus took part jointly. The Britishers in order to break the power of Muslim freedom fighters, with the help of certain United province Muslim officials, propped up men like Sir Syed Ahmed Khan to support pro-British policy. At that time the Muslims were divided into two groups. One group under the patronage of Britishers was called Ah Garb School of thought, who for the sake of safeguarding Muslim vested interests formed Muslim League Organization. That group for the sake of political and economic interests started supporting Britishers. The second group was called Dayoband School of thought who continued opposition to British rule. When congress started movement for freedom of country, these Devbandies joined their hands with Congress in their struggle for freedom of the country. Khilafat Committee, Jamiat Ulema Hind, Ahrari Jamiat were in the favor of united India. On the other side Jinnah, Dr. Lqbal following in the footsteps of Aligarh school of thought, on the basis of Muslims being a separate nation, worked for the division of India. Ultimately the sub-continent was divided and Hindus and Sikhs from the side of Pakistan Migrated to Bharat and from the Indian side bigoted Muslims migrated to Pakistan side to colonize it. In the days of Jinnah and Liaquat Ali the Muhajirs attempted to control the Pakistan government. On account of Liaquat Ali's prejudicial policies, Pakistan's original residents revolted against him. Punjabis and the leadership killed him and government passed on into the hands of Punjabis. The majority of population was of Bengalis and the State-power was vested with Punjabis. The struggle for power between Bengalis and Punjabis ensued. In order to perpetuate their stronghold upon political, Punjab came out with a bucketful of fabrications and fictions. On one hand they deprived the Bengalis of their democratic right of majority in the name of parity between the two separate parts of Pakistan and other in the name of West Pakistan and One-Unit, they merged the other three nations of Sindh, Baluch, and Frontier into greater Punjab. Islam, Muslim nationhood, unity etc. were summoned to serve the designs of diabolism. But because history of the above mentioned three nations and the fact of majority of the Bengalis were the undesirable truths that stood in their way, they had to resort to force and fear, fraud and conceit autocracy and arbitrariness. The mean and baneful methods adopted gave rise to hostility and hatred against Punjab. The purported perversions boomeranged. The separation of Bengal and complete failure and subsequent disintegration gave a powerful commentary on this psychopath of Pakistan, the Punjab and its base-born twins parity and One-Unit.


The international convention and law allow reparian right over the waters of the rivers to all these countries which they pass. Indus River and its tributaries Chenab, Jehlum, Ravi, Satlaj and Biyas originate in the present Bharat territory, through Pakistan's area and fall into the Sea.

    (B) This arrangement was reaffirmed in the Government of India Act, 1919 whereby no provincial government could draw waters from any river without the prior permission of the Central Government of India.

    (C) The question of distribution of Indus River waters and its tributaries was very old. But the strong differences arose only in 1919. On account of that the Bombay government and Punjab government were at loggerheads. The details of this dispute can be had from the correspondence of second June, 1927 addressed by the government of Sindh to the Secretary of State for India. Some extracts from this correspondence are being given below to facilitate the reader to understand the background of this dispute.

    (D) Indian Cotton Committee report was published in 1919. The members of that committee had great interest in the cotton cultivation of Sindh, as it served the interests the Manchester of Bombay and Manchester of Bombay textile mill owners. In that report it was specially mentioned that Punjab government should undertake no new project, till the construction of Sukkur barrage had not been completed and Sindh's water requirements had been met.

    (E) In August 1919 Bombay government, with which Sindh government was attached, wrote to Indian government that whatever the projects prepared by Punjab government will naturally affect the water quantum passing from Indus river. Therefore, the Bombay government should be given the list of projects intended by Punjab Government.

    (F) In September, 1919 Punjab government prepared a scheme for constructing Thul project and wrote to Indian government asking them that the project should be given preference over Sukkur barrage. According to that scheme Punjab agriculturists were to be provided irrigation water for 17 lakhs acres.

    (G) Lord Chelmsford, the then Governor General of India rejected the request for that project, because on account of that project, inferior type of land was to be irrigated and more over they were expecting the sanction of Sukkur and Satlaj valley projects from the Secretary of State for India. According to the Governor General these two projects were more preferable, profitable than to the Thal area.

    (H) A few months later, Punjab government submitted to government of India the amended Thul project. Before starting the Satlaj valley project, they asked for the Thul and Havaily projects to be sanctioned. The government of India did not give the required sanction. On the contrary it told the Punjab government to send necessary survey record and other data collected so as to assess its adverse effects on the Sukkur barrage. So that they should know that those schemes may not affect adversely the Sukkur barrage.

    (I) In April, 1923, the Secretary of State finally sanctioned the scheme of Sukkur Barrage. The Punjab government took objection and wanted to know the reasons for such preference. The duties fixed for the water by Bombay government for Sukkur barrage were also objected to. But the Bombay government replied, that Punjab had already taken water from Indus and its tributaries and all canals in Punjab were perennial whereas in Sindh, not a single project had been started. On that occasion the Bombay government objected to the construction of Thal Project also, because, they said that on account of its construction, Sindh's agriculture will be greatly affected.

    (J) Government of India, on the objection of Bombay and Punjab governments, considered the question de novo of fixation of duties of water on Sukkur barrage. Since the time of last sanction had reached, the announcement of Government of India on 21st August, 1923, announced its decision and said that Sindhi had every right to construct Sukkur barrage and other barrages. Therefore it was necessary to give a guarantee to Sindhi about that. The announcement further laid down that the duties fixed for the irrigation of Sukkur barrage had been fixed after thorough consideration, because in Sindh there was less rainfall and little underground water. Government of India also categorically informed the government of Punjab that this question should not be re-opened again. In that announcement it was also mentioned that in future Sindh and Punjab projects will not be undertaken without the other party's information and concept.

    (K) After that decision for 15 months, there seems to be no controversy and quarrels between Punjab government and Sindh government.

    (L) Punjab government again in November, 1924 in order to establish their right over Indus river water and its tributaries started the question of Thall Project. As on experiment, they proposed for the construction of a small canal which would take only 750 Cusics of water. Under the advice of the Indian Government Bombay government was considering its option, when the Punjab Government immediately changed their proposal in September, 1925 and renewed their proposal for full sanction of the That project and informed the central government that they were going a head with their original plan. In the next month, the Indian Government sanctioned the small Thall project, according to which 8,80,000 acres were to be irrigated and in the winter season, they were allocated 2,085 Cusics of water from Indus river. That quarrel continued, when in February, 1926, Lord Readding, the then Governor General of India on the basis of equity decided in favor of Bombay Government's stand and gave the following decision:

    i) So long Sukkur Barrage's scheme is not completed and doesn't start running in future and as long as the complete information about total and permanent requirement of Sindh are not ascertained, water for that Scheme can not and shall not be sanctioned.
    ii) Whereas Satlaj valley canals, water requirements were not known, the Bombay government had the right to object on obtaining more water by Punjab. So long, it was not proved that on account of that there was possibility of scarcity of water for Sukkur barrage, the allocation of more water to Punjab was out of question.
    iii) The question of new allocation would be taken up after Sir Thomas Lords has given his report about the quantum of the water of Indus river and tributaries by December, 1929.
(M) Inspite of these facts, Punjab government continued raising objections. Frustrated the government of India referred the matter to the Secretary of State for India, who informed the Indian government that the Punjab government be told that "the request cannot be considered at present".

(N) From that it is apparent, that from the very beginning, Punjab Government was not prepared to give to Sindh, even ordinary water arrangement. When the British government sent the above categorical refusal, only then did Punjab, kept quiet.


In 1935 Sukkur barrage and Satlaj valley projects were completed and started irrigating the lands. In the meantime quarrels started between Bekanir, Bahawalpur and Punjab over riverian waters. Khairpur State also demanded more water for its Rabi crop and Punjab for Havelian project. For settling this dispute, the government of India appointed, Inderson Commission which consisted of representatives of all the provinces and princely states, so that the request of various parties be kept in view. The Inderson Committee on 19th September, 1936 sent the unanimous recommendations, which were accepted by the government of India and presented the limits of distribution of water for various projects. Though the committed did not suggest any terms about Thall project, the Punjab government was able to get from the Committee more water for Thall project.


The Punjab government was from time to time preparing more schemes and dams for acquiring Indus water from the rivers. Therefore Sindh government was compelled to request the government of India through Bombay government in 1939 which, according to Indian Act, 1935 forwarded this representation to Governor General in 1941 and demanded that till the final decision is made the Punjab government be asked not to prepare any more schemes. On this representation the Governor General on 11th September, in 1941 appointed a Commission under the Chairman-ship of Mr. B.N. Rai, Judge of the Calcutta High Court. Rao Commission decided that the Punjab government's proposed projects or future projects, will be harmful in the month of September to the interests of Sindh's agriculture and it was likely that Sindh was to suffer from these projects. The Commission also gave a decision that in order to settle this question, it was necessary that two new barrages should be constructed in Sindh, one in upper Sindh and one in lower Sindh. The Commission also stated that for the construction of these two barrages, money will be required, therefore as compensation, the Punjab Government should give two crores of rupees as aid to Sindh government. The Commission also decided the quantum of water required for these barrages. In the light of the recommendations of the Rao Commission, the Government of India appointed Mr. Grant and Rai Bahadur Khosla to give final shape to the recommendations in the form of agreement. The two gentlemen after the hard work of eighteen months drafted an agreement and sent it to the government. Both parties signed the agreement on 18th September. The government of Punjab accepted the terms of agreement officially on 13th October same year with a request to reduce the amount of aid to Sindh. The government of India gave sanction to the above agreement. While the negotiations for reduction in the compensation were going on the British rule ended partitioning India into independent countries of Bharat and Pakistan. Sindh became a part of the latter.




The word Sindh means the country of the Indus or "SINDHU", which derives its name from Sanskrit, Sindhu meaning river, Greek Sinthos, Latin Sindus, Aryan Sindh mean the same thing. Geologically Sindhi is the creation of the alluvium brought down by the river Indus.

The first man-made developed from the natural creeks of the Indus, many years ago. These Inundation Canals depended upon the seasonal rise of the river water level. By the middle of 19th Century there were more than 100 such canals irrigating about 15 lakhs acres of land. By the turn of 19th Century the Inundation Canal system improved steadily and these canals commanded an area of nearly 20 lakhs acres. Almost the entire population of this province used to be engaged in cultivation and practically no other profession. In the beginning of 20th Century the construction of Barrages in the Punjab started, which diminished precariously the flows in the Indus and the entire system of Inundation canals in Sindh was in jeopardy. These canals reached the peak of development, after the construction of flood protection Bunds, which prior to 1869 were constructed and protected by local landowners but thereafter because the concern of the Government. These Bunds had reduced the hazard of uncontrolled flooding and the situation had greatly improved. But with increasing withdrawals of water in the Punjab after construction of the Barrages it had started to delay the spring rise and hasten the drop in water level in autumn in the Indus.



The project of Sukkur Barrage was conceived after multidimensional considerations and studies and after the report of London Committee, which was received by the Government of Bombay, in March 1914. Mr. (Late/Sir) Musto was put on special duty to take up the revision of Sukkur Barrage project and the project report was prepared and completed in 1919, and the project as it stands today, is known as Sukkur Barrage. The project was sanctioned by the secretary of State for India in April, 1923. The Construction of the barrage started in 1923, and it was declared open on 13th January, 1932.

It was recognized that the project was the largest single irrigation scheme ii' the world. It brought within its command some eight million acres. The new irrigation system? contemplated in the project represents an increase in annual cultivation of three and a half million acres.



The present project is based on the work of Baker and Lane. In January, 1918 they were placed on special duty to investigate the areas and propose water supplies for the new canals. The report was adopted as the basis for preparing the project The requirements of the Sukkur project have been reviewed more than once.

The actual drawing up of the 1919-20 project was under the supervision of Mr. A.A. Musto (who was later knighted for building the Barrage). The basic water allowances were not changed but some revisions in the canals were made Constructions started on July 1, 1923, immediately after the project was finally sanctioned.

Even before the work had started Punjab had sought to reduce the proposed supplies so as to release water for the Thall project. In August, 1923, the Government of India wrote as follows:



The Government of India in 1926 in the following language reaffirmed the position:


Again in 1927, the Secretary of State for India refused to reopen the question of the duties of the Sukkur Barrage Canals.

In 1935, a Committee of the Central Board of Irrigation, known generally as the Anderson Committee was set up to examine certain specific items on the distribution of the water of the Indus and its tributaries. The Committee consisted of two independent members, both engineers appointed by the Government of India and representatives of all the provinces and States interested in the Indus water. On the unanimous recommendation of this Committee, the Government of India in March, 1937 allocated to the Sukkur Barrage Canals certain additional supplies beyond those that had been sanctioned in 1923 by the Secretary of State for India.

In 1941, the allocation for the Sukkur Barrage Canals were again taken up, this time before the Indus (Rao) Commission. The Punjab asserted that the mean monthly withdrawals should be less than the sanctioned figures, and contended that the allocations should be so construed as to represent a limit not to be exceeded on any day. On this point the Commission answered: Paragraph 157. Finding on second-Issue-Our answer to this issue therefore is as follows:




The Commission concluded with respect to allocation for the Sukkur Barrage canals that "there can hardly be any question of an appropriation of this kind exceeding the equitable share of the province".

In laying down the basis of an agreement to carry out the recommendations of the Rao Commission, Mr. A.N. Khosla, who then represented the Punjab, agreed that "Existing Canals shall have complete priority over any of the scheduled projects specified before the Indus Commission", and "No storage shall be done or direct withdrawal made by the new Punjab canals from the River in periods in which, with due allowance for time lag, supplies in the river are likely to be insufficient to meet the prescriptive requirements of the Sukkur Barrage Canals ......"


In the Sindh-Punjab Agreement of 1945, the allocation of the Sukkur Barrage Canals as increased by the Government of India pursuant to the recommendations of the Anderson Committee were confirmed. A further supply of 2,000 Cusics was allowed during the period from June 1, to October 15 for Sailab (flood) areas in Khairpur and Sindh. The Sukkur Barrage allocation therefore, as originally sanctioned in 1923 and as reaffirmed and increased by the order of the Government of India in 1937, and by the Sindh-Punjab Agreement of 1945, are as follows







April 27,896 1,673,760

May 38,660 2,396,920

June 46,763 2,805,780

July 47,763 2,961,306

August 47,763 2,961,306

September 47,673 2,865,780

October 1-15 34,339 1,030,170

October 16-31 32,339 1,034,848

November 23A82 1,408,920

December 24,548 1,583,976

January 24,923 1,545,226

February 24,923 1,445,534

March 25,7211 ,594,702




Both sides signed the Sindh-Punjab Agreement on 28th September, 1945 and the Punjab in their letter of 13th October 1945 subsequently officially ratified this agreement.

The agreement is reproduced below:





 This agreement refers to the sharing of Indus between the Punjab and Sindh. The Punjab share comprises the withdrawals controlled by the Punjab from the Indus and its tributaries for the use of the province of Punjab and certain Indian States. The share of the Punjab under priority V detailed below shall also include the share of the North-West Frontier. Sindh's share under the Priorities, I, III, IV and V, as detailed below, comprises withdrawals for the use of the province of Sindh and Khairpur, its share under priority II ( as detailed below) is, however, for British Sindh canals only.



 To give effect to this agreement, five grades of priorities are recognized:-

(1) Existing withdrawals on

(a) Punjab (Punjab rivers) (First Priority on Punjab rivers).
(b) Indus (First priority on Indus main and the next priority on Punjab rivers).
(ii) Primary, i.e. prescriptive supplies, for projected canals specified in clause II.
(iii) Secondary additional supplies for projected canals.
(iv) Storage water and other subsequent allocations.
(v) Balance supplies.


(2) Except as otherwise provided, allocation under a higher priority will have precedence over those under all lower priorities.


(1) Period (1st April to 30th September, except as otherwise provided).

(A) Punjnad (Five Punjab rivers).

(i) This priority comprises:

(a) The supplies taken by old canals, i.e.:- (1) Northern canals (i.e. Upper and lower Chenab Upper and Lower Jehlum and Bari Doab canals). (For the Upper Chenab and Upper Jehlum canals the supplies taken shall be the supplies used plus absorption losses). (2) Upper Bari Doab Canal and Kashmir canal.

(3) Sirhind Canal.

(b) The supplies taken in the past by undeveloped canals i.e.

(1) Sutlej Valley canals.

(2) Havelie canals including the Pakpattan Link.

(3) Punjnad canals.


With additions providing for their future development.

(ii) These withdrawals will have the first claim on the waters of the Punjab Rivers and no claim on the waters of the Indus, subject to the limitation that such withdrawals shall not on any day exceed those given in the table 1(a) unless, with due allowance for time lag, water is sufficient for the requirements of priorities I-B, II and specified below:



(I) This priority comprises the supplies allocated to -

(1) Thai Canals.

(2) Sukkur Barrage Canals including Khairpur State Canals.

(ii) The Thai and the Sukkur Barrage canals will have an equal claim on the waters of the Indus River and of the five Punjab rivers surplus to priority I-A subject to the limitation that the Punjab withdrawals shall not on any day exceed those given in Tables 1(a) and 1(b), unless, with due allowance for time lag, water is sufficient to meet the requirements under Priorities II and III.


(2) Period (1st October to 31St March except as otherwise provided).


(A) Punjnad (Five Punjab rivers)

(i) This priority comprises

(a) The supplies taken by old canals i.e.

(I) Northern canals (i.e. Upper and Lower Chenab, Upper and Lower Jehlum and Lower Bari Doab canals).
(2) Upper Bari Doab Canal and Kashmir Canal.

(3) Sirhind Canal.


(b) The supplies taken in the past by Sutlej Valley Canals with additions providing for development upto perennial capacity. (c) The supplies authorized for the Punjnad and Haveli canals. (d) Further allocations to Punjnad and Haveli upto their perennial capacities, as provided in B (V), below: -

(ii) The withdrawal under (a), (b) and (c) above will have the first claim on the waters of the Punjab rivers and no claim on the waters of the Indus.

(iii) The withdrawal under (a) and (1)) shall be limited only by the river supplies available or by the Rabi capacity of die canals.



(i) This priority comprises the Rabi supplies allotted to,

(1) The inundation canals merged in new Sindh Barrage as prescriptive supplies, equal to the average withdrawals of the three lowest years in any decade.

(2) The inundation canals to be merged in the Punjab Indus Barrages, on their conversion to weir control as prescriptive supplies, equal to the average of the three lowest years in any decade.

(3) Sukkur Barrage Canals including Khairpur State Canals.

(4) Thal Canal upto its authorizations.

(5) That Canal, in addition, upto its capacity (60000 Cs).


(ii) The mean monthly allocation for (1) to (4) above are given in Table 1(c). If Indus supplies plus Punjab supplies surplus to priority I-A are below the allocation of these canals, after meeting the allocation for (1) and (2) above (vide Table 1(c) the balance supplies will be shared in the proportion given in Table 1(d), which is based on an assumed lag of 15 days. Provided that in the period 17/2 to 8/3 (Sukkur dates) the Sukkur Canals will have priority on Indus water upto their capacity of 34,000 Cusics.

(a) Over Thal alone till the Punjab Indus inundation canals are converted to weir control, and (b)) Over Thai and the Punjab Indus Inundation canals when the latter are converted to weir control. While in periods 11112 to 24/12 and 31/3 (Kalabagh dates)


(a) That will have priority upto its capacity of 6,000 Cs. till the Indus Inundation canals are converted to weir and,

(b) Thai will have priority upto its capacity of 6000 Cusics and the Punjab Inundation Canals upto the authorizations laid-down in Table 1(e) when the Punjab Inundation canals have been brought under weir control.


(iii) During periods of shortage the Punjab shall be at liberty to make good supplies to the Thal upto its capacity by using Indus water at Kalabagh, provided that equivalent supplies of the same duration are released below Punjnad from the Punjab share of the Punjab rivers over the same period, with due allowance for time lag and losses or gains.

(iv) When the Indus supplies plus Punjnad supplies surplus to priority I-A are in excess of the allocation of Sukkur Barrage and Thal as specified in Table I(C)i the canals, mentioned under (i) (1) and (i) (2) above may draw supplies as laid down in table 1(e). Thereafter the Thai canal may draw on balance supplies upto its capacity of 6000 Cusics, after which the Sukkur Barrage Canals may draw upto their Rabi capacity (34,000 Cusics) subject to the provide under (V) below.

The Punjab and Sindh Inundation Canals, when brought under weir control may then draw upto their authorized perennial capacities.


(v) The Sukkur Barrage Canals have priority on Punjnad water surplus to priority I-A until their allocation in Table 1(c) are met. Thereafter Haveli and Punjnad may lake water upto their capacities as given in Table 1(f) after which the Sukkur Barrage canals may withdraw upto their Rabi capacity (34,000 Cusics), as in (iv) above.

 (vi) The water accounts during the Rabi shall be maintained and balanced in ten-day periods as well as in calendar months.



(1) The total withdrawals for the Punjab and Sindh under the priority are detailed in table 11(a). They comprise:

(a) Ravi water set free by the Haveli project, less supplies utilized in Pakpattan Link.
(b) Prescriptive rights for Gray canals to be utilized on Bhakra Canals.
(c) Prescriptive rights Inundation canals merged in the new Sindh Barrages.
(d) Prescriptive rights of the Punjab Indus Inundation canals, when brought under weir control.

(2) Withdrawals for projected canals by either party may be made only when water is surplus to the actual requirements of the Punjab and the allocations of Sindh under priority I-A and I-B.

(3) When water is short of the requirements of priority Ii, the balance supply left after meeting the requirements of the Punjab and the allocations of Sindh for priority I in full, shall be divided between the Punjab and Sindh in the ratio of their prescriptive rights, with due allowance for time lag i.e.

(a) Till the Punjab Indus Inundation canals are converted to weir control in the proportions laid-down for the relevant period in Table 11(b) and,
(b) When the Punjab Indus Inundation canals are converted to weir control in the proportions laid-down for the relevant period in Table 11(c). In both these tables a time lag of ten days has been assumed.  
Thus, where Pe and Se are the Kharif allocations for the Punjab and Sindh weir-controlled existing canals respectively (vide Table 1(a), I (b) and 11(d), P1 is the Punjab requirements against the allocations for their existing canals, R is the total river supply to be distributed and n 1 and I-n 1 are the proportions of prescriptive rights for Punjab and Sindh respectively ((Vide Table 11(b) or 11(c) as the case may be)), then Sindh's share = Se Plus l-nl (R-Pl-Se)

Punjab's share = P1 Plus n 1 (R-PI-Se)


    SINDH:- (a) Additional or secondary allocations for the new Lower Sindh and Upper Sindh Barrages. (b) Allocations for Sailab areas in Khairpur and Middle Sindh.


PUNJAB:-(a) Additional allocations for the Ballokot Sulemanki Link or an accepted variant (e.g. Marhu Tunnel). (b) Flow water for Bhakra Canals (including Grey Canals), Bist Doab canal and Sutlej Valley Sailab areas.


(2) Withdrawals for Priority III shall be made only when water is in excess of the actual requirements of the Punjab and the allocation for Sindh under Priorities I (A and B) and the allocation of Punjab and Sindh under priority II.

(3) When water is short of the full requirements of priority III, the balance supply left, after meeting the requirements of the Punjab and the allocations of Sindh under priorities I (A and B) and 11 in full shall be divided between the Punjab and Sindh in the proportion laid down for that period in Table 111(c) which is based on an assumed time lag of 10 days. Thus, where PA Allocation for the Punjab existing canals (( Vide Tables II (a) and 1(b)) plus the prescriptive right for the Punjab projected canals ((Vide Table 11(a)). P1 = the prescriptive rights of the Punjab projected canals (( Vide Table 11(a)) and the actual Punjab requirements for the period against the allocation of their existing canals.


SA = allocations for the Sukkur Barrage canals plus the prescriptive rights of the new lower and Upper Sindh Barrages, ((vide table II 9d) and II 9a).

R = total river supplies to be distributed between existing and projected canals.


n 8 1-n= the share ratios of Punjab and Sindh respectively of the secondary or additional supplies (( Vide Table III (c)). Sindh's share = S Plus 1-n (R-P1-SA)

Punjab's share = P1 Plus n ~-P1-SA).


(4) Whenever water is short of the total authorizations of the three Sindh Barrages, the withdrawals of the Ballokt Sulemanki Link or its accepted variant (e.g. Marhu Tunnel) will be limited to Punjab's unused share for the projected canals under Priority III or to a daily maximum withdrawal as specified in Table 111(d), Column 2, whichever is less.

(5) The provision of this clause shall be subject to the conditions laid down in sub-clause (6) of clause 6.




(1) The provisions of sub-clause 2 to 5 (inclusive shall have

effect subject to the conditions laid down in sub-clause 6.

(2) After the indents of the two new Sindh Barrages and the

Sukkur Barrage upto their allocation have been met, the

Punjab shall be entitled to withdraw the allocations detailed

in Table IV (a) for use by flow comprising:

(3) After the indents of the three Sindh Barrages, their allocations 5 have been met, the withdrawal under sub-Clause (2) (b) above shall be restricted to the unused portion of Punjabís share for the projected canals under priority III or to the mean monthly figures given in column 3 of Table III (d), which ever is less.

4) In the months of July and August, however, the link or its accepted variant may transfer water under this priority subject to the proviso of clause 5 (4), upto a limit of 1 9300 Cusics for supplementing the Punjab canals or for the generation of hydroelectric power, in which case water will flow down the Sutlej instead of the Chenab.

(5) After the start intends of the two new Sindh Barrages and the Sukkur Barrage Canals, upto their allocation have been met, the Punjab shall be at liberty to store at the storages specified in clause II upto the limits of their respective capacities have shown therein. Such storage water may be subsequently released and used at will. Storage water so used will not count against allocations of how water under any priority.

(6) Withdrawals by the Punjab for their projects specified in Clauses II and 12 (c), falling under Priorities III ad IV, shall be subject to the following condition:-

(c) Even after the year 1957, withdrawals for tile Dhiangarh Dam and the small storage shall be made during the calendar months of July and August only (Sukkur dates) except as may be subsequently provided under clause 14(2).

(d) Punjab may construct at any time the Bist Doab Canal scheme and its linked storage dams on the Soan and Sirsa torrents provided that the combined live storage capacity at these two darns does not exceed 5,00,000 acre-feet and provided that no water shall be stored in these reservoirs nor direct withdrawals made into the canal from the river, in the months other than July and August (Sukkur dates) if as a result of such withdrawals the supplies to the Sindh Inundation canals or the new Sindh Barrage canals are likely to fall below the prescriptive supplies as laid down in Table 11(a).


(1) Until the expiry of the period specified in Clause 12, either party will have the right to use water surplus to priorities I to IV in any canal or storage reservoir upto the limit of its capacity, but such use will not confer any prescriptive rights in respect of any additional withdrawal taken under the sub-Clause. Such additional withdrawals may be made only with the previous consent of the other party. This consent will be give as early as practicable, and may only be refused by the other party if in its opinion the additional withdrawal is likely to injure its interests.

(2) After the expiry of the period specified in Clause 12 the balance supplies including water used under sub-Clause (1), will become the property of the parties in the proportions laid down in Table V (a) and either party may thereafter frame and carry out projects for the use of such waters with the con sent of the other party. The second party will have the right to object to the constructions of such projects only if it can show that the projects infringe its rights under this agreement.

(3) For the purpose of sharing under this clause:

(I) The balance supply in Indus at Ghazighat shall be obtained by deducting from the measured discharge at Ghazighat, the equivalent at Ghazighat, after allowing for losses or gains of:

(a) the existing rights between Ghazighat and Mithankot (( Vide Table V (b), Col. 2)).

(b) The authorized withdrawals for Sukkur Barrage Canals and the new Sindh Barrages and the existing rights of the Middle Sindh Inundation canals and Middle Sindh and Khairpur Sailab area (( Vide Table V (c)) and ( (c) the authorized withdrawals of Thal (( Vide Table V (b)) minus the actual withdrawals. 75 percent of this balance supply shall be taken as Sindh's share of the Indus at Ghazighat and transferred to Guddu.

(ii) The balance supply from the five Punjab rivers at Punjnad shall be obtained by deducting from the measured discharges at Punjnad (Below), -

(b) the equivalents, at Punjnad of the authorized withdrawals of the Punjab projects (( Vide Column 5 and 6 of Table V (b)) and of withdrawals for storage (( Vide Clause 6)) minus the actual withdrawals in these at the time. The shares of this balance supply from the five Punjab rivers at Punjnad for the Punjab and Sindh shall be as laid down in Table V (a). The shares from the Punjnad as so calculated shall be added to the shares of each party from the Indus Main, obtained under sub-Clause (3) (1) to give the party's total apportionment of the balance supplies under Priority V. (4) In the event of disagreement under sub-Clause (2) supra, the matter in dispute shall be referred to arbitration as provided under Clause 17.


(I) Inundation canals have the right to take whatever river levels permit. The existing authorized capacities of the Inundation canals shall not be increased to take increased supplies until such time as they come under weir-control. No water will be specially released in order to ensure any water levels required for them.

(2) Whenever any Inundation canals are brought under weir control they will be given supplies as under:

(a) during Kharif under Priority II:

(i) for the months of April, Mary and June equal to the average withdrawals of these canals in any ten consecutive years prior to the date of this agreement. (ii) for the mouths of September and October supplies equal to average withdrawals of the canals in the same or any other ten-years period prior to the date of this agreement. (iii) For the month of July and August full authorized discharge of the canals, and (b) during Rabi (November to March) under priority I. (i) in periods when river supplies are short of the authorizations of the Sukkur Barrage canals and Thai, supplies equal to the average of the three lowest years in any ten consecutive years prior to the date of this agreement and (ii) In other periods supplies equal to the average withdrawals in any ten consecutive years prior to the date of this agreement.
(3) Additional supplies for such future projects shall be met from the Party's apportionment of balance supplies and will rank under priority V.   9. PROVISIONS RELATING TO SHARING OR SUPPLIES.
  (b) The Punjab government shall be responsible to see the Sindh is supplied its due share of water under priorities I to IV. Should the Punjab at any time use or store any water to which Sindh has a right, an equivalent supply of water shall be returned to Sindh from the supplies to which the Punjab has at that time a right. This return shall be made at that time a right. This return shall be made at such rates of release and at such time within two month of the commencement of such use or storage, as shall be selected by Sindh, and at such site at which it is practicable to return the water.

(c) Water permitted by Sindh to be wasted to the Sea at time when it might have been used to meet Sindh' rights i.e. up to indents under this agreement shall be considered to have been so used and Sindh shall have no rights under this Agreement in respect of any shortage of supply which have been avoided by the use of this water.

(2) (a) For sharing balance supplies under priority V, the share for the Punjab shall be as at Ghazighat in respect of Indus supplies and as at Punjnad in respect of supplies in the five Punjab rivers and the supplies for Sindh shall be as at Guddu

(b) If any supply in excess of the Punjab share. is withdrawn by the Punjab, the Punjab shall return to Sindh an equivalent supply of water in any 15 days period within two months of the excess withdrawal the period to be fixed at the discretion of Sindh



Either party may use the water to which it has a right in any of canals at will subject to the limit of existing or agreed capacities a subject further to following provisos

(a) Allotments to the Punjab for its canals under priorities I to IV on the Punjab shall not be met from the Indus.
(b) In periods when supplies under priori Lies II and III are not sufficient for the Sindh projected canals, the Punjab shall not transfer supplies allotted for its existing canals under priority I to its projected canals or their accepted variants, but when water is surplus to the full requirements of the three Sindh Barrages, supplies allotted for the Punjab existing canals may be transferred to its projected canals provided that during the periods of years specified in clause 12 the previous consent of Sindh will be obtained.

(c) Any transfer of supplies between projected canal inters, in the Punjab, shall be restricted to periods of shortage on the Sutlej-cum-Beas and the limited,

(i) During periods of shortage for the three Sindh Barrages, to the un-used share of the projected canals or to daily maximum withdrawal specified in column 2 of Table III 9d), whichever is less;
(ii) In other periods to the unused share of projected canals or the mean monthly withdrawals given in column 3 of Table 111(d) whichever is less.


(1) The construction of the following works is agreed to:-

 1. SINDH. (a)

(a) A Barrage across the Indus in Upper Sindh with canals of 40,000 Cusics capacity.

(b) A Barrage across the Indus in Lower Sindhi with canals of 47,000 Cusics capacity.

    1. Canals from Sukkur Barrage of capacity of 2000 Cusics for Sailab areas.
(a) A Link or links totaling 19.300 Cusics capacity form the Chenab and the Ravi to the Sutlej
(b) The Bhakra Dam with alive storage capacity of 40,000 acre feet.
(c) The Dhiangarh Dam with a live storage of capacity of 25,00,000 acre feet.
(d) Four small storages on the tributaries of the Punjab rivers as under:


Three storages on Ravi (including Dos) 10,28,520   Soolar lake on Jehlum 3,34,000            1,362,520 Less Deg storage 434,520                     Acre feet. 9,28,000


(e) The Bhakra canals with a capacity of 13,000 Cusics.

(f) An increase of Kharif capacity of Thai canal to 10,000 Cusics.

(g) The Bist Doab canal with a capacity of l200 Cusics and storage on the Sirsa and Seen Torrents of an aggregate capacity of 500,000-acre feet.

(h) An increase of capacity of the Sutlej Val Icy canals of 1800 Cusics for Sailab areas of Bahawalpur and Punjab.
(2) Either party may with the consent of the other party substitute a substantially equivalent variant or variants for any one or more of these works. The second party shall have the right to withhold such consent only if they can show that the variant or variants proposed will throw a greater burden on the river supplies than the replaced project or projects. Provided that the Punjab shall not construct more than two major storage dams (indulging the Bhakra), each having a capacity of 500,000 acre feet.

(3) In the event of disagreement under sub-clause (2) the matter in dispute shall be referred to arbitration as provided under clause 17.


(1) No new works other than those specified in clause 11 or modification of old works designed with the object of increasing river withdrawals will be constructed by either party without the consent of the other party until after the expiry of 10 years from the date of completion of the two new Sindh Barrages, or 20 years from the dale of agreement whichever is earlier that:

(a) Minor projects involving a storage capacity of less than half of million acre feet or a canal capacity of less than 1500 Cusics may be under taken earlier by either party after obtaining the specific consent of the other party; and

(b) Until then new Sindh Barrages are built, no withdrawals for storage of direct supplies to new canals shall be made in September (Sukkur dates),

(c) Subject to the conditions of clauses 3 and 4 and sub-clause (2) below, the Punjab shall be permitted to construct a barrage across the Indus above Ghazighat with canals not exceeding 20,000 Cusics capacity.

(2) Any additional supplies required for projects constructed under sub-clause (1) above shall be met from the party's share under Priority V.


 The non-perennial canals of the Sukkur Barrage and the two proposed new Sindh Barrages may be opened in the first fortnight of April and may remain open from 16th to 31st October if water is surplus to the requirements of the Punjab and Haveli canals as specified in Paras 25.26 and 34 (b) of the Anderson Committee report (1935), Vol. I provided that Sindh should establish no prescriptive rights in respect of these additional withdrawals. Nothing in the above shall adversely affect the existing rights of the Sutlej Valley canals in this respect.



(I) Irrespective of whether allocations under Priority I are met or not, the Punjab shall be entitled to store water in the Bijakra Reservoir in the months of November, February, March and April whenever the combined discharges of the Sutlej and Bias Rivers is less than 19000 Cusics and in the months of December and January whenever the combined discharges of the rivers is less than 17,000 Cusics. For the purpose of this clause the Sutlej discharge shall he the storage at Bakra plus the discharge at Rupar (above) and that of the Bias shall be at Mandi Plain.

(2) When the Punjab constructs other storage reservoirs, the question of giving similar storage rights will be considered and the Punjab will be given such rights as are compatible with no injury to Sindh.

(3) The Punjab and Sindh shall have the right during the period 1st January to 31st March (Punjab dates) to store use by flow in any of their canals half the freshest water as measured at the point of off-takes of these withdrawals, Freshet water is defined as all water in excess of Sindh and Punjab withdrawals under priority I (A and B).

(4) The Punjab shall have the right to diurnal storage at any time when this is necessitated by variations within the twenty four hours in the electrical load, but the total volume of water discharged from a reservoir within every period of twenty four hours shall not be less than that entering the reservoir except when this is inconsistent with the day to day storage permissible under this agreement.

(5) In the event of disagreement under sub-clause (2) supra, the matter in dispute shall be referred to arbitration as provided under clause 17.



Allocation made under this agreement shall not be revised or prejudicially affected without the consent of both the parties.


(1) Accurate measurements of river discharges shall be made jointly by Sindh and Punjab, at all discharge sites, in the Punjab and Sindh, with upto date equipment (including launches) and by the most modern method known at the time. For this purpose one or more observers of Sindh shall be permitted by the Punjab to be stationed at each Punjab site, in the hills or in the plains, as selected by Sindh, and one or more observers of Punjab shall be permitted by Sindh to be stationed at Sindh discharge sites, as selected by the Punjab. Such observers shall take original and check measurements, either jointly or individually as may be considered necessary, and when duly signed by the parties shall be considered to be correct.

(2) Gauges and discharges data of rivers canals and storages should be made available to both the parties at agreed intervals in the quickest practicable manner.

(3) Whenever time lags have been provided in this agreement on assumed figures, these figures will be liable to modification in the light of experience , gained, subject to agreement of both the parties.

(4) Whenever figures of percentage for losses and gains are required for the operation of the Agreement such figures shall be determined in the light of experience gained, subject to agreement of both the parties.

(5) In the event of a dispute as to the scope or operation of this clause, the matter in dispute shall be referred to arbitration as provided under clause 17.

17. Any other dispute for which arbitration has been provided under clause 7 (4), 11(2), 14(2) and 16 shall be referred to an officer to be appointed by the Government of India who shall be acceptable to both parties and whose decision shall be final and binding on the parties.

18. Agreement on all these clauses is subject to a satisfactory of the financial issues on the lines of clause (Ill), (IV) of the 4 Khosla Memorandum of February, 1945, or by any other method acceptable to both parties.
Chief Engineer in Sindh Chief Engineer in Punjab


I have shown above that, after the division of India we came under the slavery of Muhajir Punjabi imperialist rulers, they first reduced the majority of Bengal and in West Pakistan established One-Unit and after that the following conditions happened:

1. After the establishment of One-Unit separate existence of Sindh was finished and the agreement between Sindh and Punjab on water problems was arbitrarily violated. Because the agreement was between two provincial Governments and now after the establishment of one Government, Sindh's right as a separate party was not recognized.

2. After abrogation of water agreement, Sindh suffered following losses:-

(i) Tarbela Dam
(ii) Mangla Dam
(iii)Chashma Dam
(iv) Raval Dam

According to which several thousand million acres feet of water was to be collected and utilized for Punjab's purposes.

(B) 25% water of Punjab's three rivers, Sutlej, Bias, and Ravi, was sold to Bharat Government for one thousand crores of rupees, in which foreign powers also paid some share. In view of the sold water of above mentioned rivers the above mentioned dams were constructed. The Indus river's water, on which Punjab had no right share.

(C) Against the agreement on Indus River, Taunsa Barrage was constructed.

(D) Indus River's water of 75% was fixed for Sindh. From it, new canals were constructed in Punjab about 25% more water was given to Punjab, without the consent of Sindh.

(E) According to agreement between both provinces the matter was to be decided by the Central Government, which was to perform the function of a third party, that was also taken away.

(F) The average rainfall in Punjab, every year is from 20 to 40 inches and in Sindh every year it is only form 4 to 12 inches on an average.

In Punjab underground water is sweet and estimated at 200 thousand million acres feet and in Sindh underground water is only 3 hundred million acres feet. Inspite of that more water of all rivers is given to Punjab. With the result that in Sindh there is less and less Irrigation.

(G) The result of which is that in the cultivation of both provinces, the difference became greater. In 1973-74 both provinces had cultivate land as below:

(H) In Sin(1h, for the deficit of water Sindh Govern men decided that the water of rainfall be collected for the of cultivation and for that several schemes are prepared. About which the information is given above. The estimated amount of 33 crore rupees of Sindh were transferred to Punjab and utilized there.

(I) In the inundation time, the surplus water Indus goes to Sea. For the storage of that water, Sindh Agricultural Commission had suggested the construction of four dams. But after the establishment of One-Unit, all powers having gone to Lahore Government, nothing could be done in this respect.

(3) In Sindh the area under forests was very much less. Before the Sindh Agriculture Commission, the forest department in their presentation had shown the area under forests was only 2% which was less than most of the countries of the world. Even Saudi Arabia, which is mostly a desert country, has got more forest area than Sindh and for the increase of that area various schemes were prepared. But the completion of those schemes could not be done because the water of rivers was taken away by Punjab.

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