i) First period was the period of MOEN-JO-DARO i.e. Dravadian period.
ii) Second period was the invasion of ARIANS in Sindh and after
iii) Third period was the PERSIAN & GREEK IMPERIALISM
iv) Fourth period was the LOCAL KINGDOMS
v) Fifth period was the invasion of ARABS & after.
vi) Seventh period was British IMPERIALISM
vi) The eighth can be counted as the present Pakistani Imperialism period.
 

I) MOEN-JO-DARO, DRAVADIAN PERIOD
Most of the information is supplied through archaeological findings. No written history is available. Information about Sindh Desh, its people and institutions has been collected from the Moen-Jo-Daro and Harapa findings. From the excavations whatever information has been found, it appears that at that times there was communication and commerce between both centers and was under the control of one kingdom or there were city governments in existence, cannot be ascertained. But at that time the area of Sindh was:

a) Multan Division whose area is 24824 Sq. Miles. Harapa is situated in that area.
b) Bahawalpur division area from which Indus river passes and reaches Moen-Jo-Daro city. The area of that division is 17652 Sq. Miles.
c) The Baluchistan area, in which antiquities pertaining to the civilization and citizenship are found. Its total area is 134050 Sq. Miles.
d) The present area of Sindh, from which antiquities of that civilization are found. Its area is about 57000 Sq. Miles.
e) The present Kutch district from the findings of that period are found. The total area is 8300 Sq. Miles.
f) The area of Junagarh State, from where the findings of antiquities of that period arc found. The total area is 3337 Sq. Miles.

ii) ARYAN PERIOD'S GOVERNMENT THE AREA OF SINDHU DESH
 

After that it appears that various branches of Arians' race, to have invaded Sindh which Darius One, seems to have invaded various parts of Sindh, which parts came under the control of Persian government can not be ascertained. But it seems that at that time the present Sindh, Baluchistan, some parts of Multan and Bahawalpur divisions areas may have been under their control. But it seems that the Kutch and Junagarh had not come under their control. After the invasion of Alexander the Great, more or less same areas, which were under Persian control may have come under Greek control. Therefore, it can be easily said that the areas of Persian and Greek control were smaller than the Dravadian and Arian Government's control. Though the Persians and Greeks were also branch of Arian people, yet they conquered the local people and brought them under their imperial rule. Their rule did not last long but their influences of civilization and citizenship lasted longer. On account of that some parts of Baluchistan adopted Baluchi language, which was the branch of Persian language. Yet in some parts of Baluchistan, Brohi, Dravadian and Sindhi language continue to be spoken still. It can safely be said that inspite of Persian and Greek invasion and control local Sindhi language continued its influence.

 iii) THE LOCAL HINDU RULER'S DOMINANCE.
 

After the rule of Persian and Greek governments ended, the rule of Hindu rulers started. Maharaja Ashok, who conquered greater part of India, was a Buddhist and after him Brahmans started their dominance. During the rule of Raja Vikramajeet efforts were made to spread Hindu religion in Sindh. Both dynasties left their influence. Buddhist Stupas and Hindu Temples are the remnants of their period. Rai Sahasi and Chach dynasties were the last of the Hindu rulers. The last ruler of Sindh was Raja Dahir, who ruled over the following areas:

iv) THE ARAB IMPERIALIST PERIOD.

  The Arabs conquered Sindh and had control over the same areas ruled by Raja Dahir excepting the areas of Kutch and Junagarh. So during the Arab period the following areas came under their control:
 

 v) THE AREA OF SINDH DURING THE MUGHAL PERIOD

  Though the rule of Mughals was spread over the most of the parts of Northern, Western India and Afghanistan, yet for the administrative purpose they distributed the area in various provinces. During the days of Shah Jehan and Aurangzeb, the Governorship was based on Multan under their rule. Sukkur and Thatta were smaller provinces. In view of that, the territory of Sindh can be divided in the following provinces:
 

 After the rule of Aurangzeb the Mughal Empire began to shrink and in various parts of India local tribes began to become stronger. Therefore Sindh's territory also began to change. The Multan division came under the Sikh rule and separated from Sindh. Baluchistan came under the control of Baluch tribal chiefs and Pathan rulers. Sindh was divided in two parts: The Sindhi Kalhoras had in their possession two areas. Sukkur and Thatta districts and Dawood Potas who were the branch of the same dynasty ruled over Bahawalpur area. In those days Sindhis had control of following areas:
 

 Though the territories mentioned above under the control of different rulers, yet all the rulers were Sindhis and languages used in those areas were Sindhi and Siraiki.

vi) SINDH'S AREA UNDER THE RULE OF BRITISH PERIOD

The Britons conquered India's various areas at different periods. In some areas they established their direct rule and in other areas they ruled through the local rulers of states. Sindh was divided in three parts
 

 a) Part contained entire Sindh, which remained under the direct administration.
b) After defeating Sikhs, Bahawalpur was handed over to Dawood Pota rulers of Bahawalpur State.
c) Third part was handed over to Jam Sahib of Lasbella State, which was kept under the administration of Punjab. Sindh was merged with Bombay presidency for administrative convenience.

vii) SINDH'S CONDITIONS SINCE THE INCEPTION OF PAKISTAN

In the beginning Pakistan was divided in five provinces and states were kept under the control of central government. But slowly the states were undone and they were merged into adjoining provinces. The Muhajir-Punjabi's combination controlled the newly established central government and carried on the government as heir-apparent of the British Imperialism. Sindh, already deprived of its cultural areas, was treated as the conquered area. The provincial assemblies were treated as door-mats and dissolution and dismissal of both were a frequent affair. Property left by Hindus in Sindh, rural and urban, factories and industries, shops and houses, educational institutions and services and jobs were given as a gift to the immigrants from India. This policy of the central government not only encouraged the Muslims in India to make a mass migration but also lured and tempted them to do so. All this seems to be a blueprint made in advance for invasion, occupation and usurpation of Sindh and its resources. Except in Israel, modern history has no parallel of such large scale deprivation and alienation of local population by incoming influx of immigrants. At the time of its establishment Pakistan consisted of five administrative units called provinces. They were Sindh Bengal, West Punjab, North West Frontier and Baluchistan. Their de-jure existence apart, the defacto powers and decisions lay with the Central Government controlled by Punjabi Muhajir vested interests. Not content even with this aggrandizement, Punjab decided to merge the three small provinces which they called West Pakistan or One-Unit to complex the excruciation of these provinces.

 
SINDH'S CULTURAL BOUNDARIES

Culture is very wide term in which the following can be included; Language, Customs, Religious beliefs, old traditions mode of living etc. In order to describe the above mentioned five branches of culture, separate narration is necessary.

 1. LANGUAGE
 
Sindh's original language was of Dravadian root but had separate script, which has been proved from the stamps found from Moen-Jo-Daro. But that has not yet been deciphered, because the sufficient number of writings have not been found. After the Dravadian, the Arians came and occupied Sindh who colonized the country replacing original residents. Their tribes has different words, which can be found in the Sindhi Language. The Arian language afterwards spread to Central India and became Sanskrit. Vedas and Puranas were written in that language. As the Arian nation or race had occupied the western and northern parts of India, Russia, Persia, Greece, Germany, England and other countries, the languages of these countries were called Indo-European languages. The present Sindhi is also one of the Indo-European languages, Prakirt, something of which has already been said in the previous chapter. After that Sindh came under the domination of foreigners like Persians, Greeks, Arabs and British imperialists. several words from these imperial countries were mixed with Sindhi language. In India for sometime Pathans and Mughals also ruled, whose official language was Persian. Bur on account of the recruitment of soldiers in the imperial government who spoke different languages, there had to be some language to communicate with one another. So was Urdu constructed which is a queer admixture of many languages. It is therefore a language of soldiers. It flourished during the last days of Mughal rule. When the Britishers conquered India, there were two spoken and written languages in the Northern Part of it. They were Hindi and Urdu. The Central Indian Muslims patronized Urdu because it was nearer to Persian and Hindi because of its affinity with Sanskrit-patronized Hindi. When freedom movement started, the language controversy also appeared on the scene.

The Britishers introduced Urdu in Punjab, Frontier and Baluchistan right form primary school level but since retained these languages in their provinces but gave them systematic and scientific place and developed too. But after the creation of Pakistan, the Urdu speaking immigrants and Punjabi coterie who had captured government tried to impose Urdu as a single national language upon five nation country. Punjab, Frontier and Baluchistan had already adopted Urdu, therefore no resistance came against such a move. But Sindh and Bengal opposed it tooth and nail and were successful in retaining their status and script. When partition of Pakistan took place in 1971, language controversy that had erupted in 1952, had also some significant part to play. So we can safely say that imposition of an alien language can have a backlash in the life of a country in Sindh, people have resented imposition of Urdu as a single national language and will continue to do so, though the Urdu speaking immigrants and Punjabis may cry from their house top for Urdu as the only national language.

At present nearly 40% Non-Sindhi speaking people have influxes in Sindh. The Punjabis on account of their enmity, with Sikhs accepted Urdu as their national language and abandoned their traditional literature to facilitate conspiracy with Muhajirs. Punjab's population in 1980 was about five crores of people and Sindh's population is nearly two crores. In Punjab the density of population is nearly 700 persons per square mile and in Sindh, it is nearly 350 per square mile. With its own resources, Punjab can not afford to sustain its population. So cunningly it is shifting its pressure to Sindh. The repeated Martial laws and continuous repressive rulers are only a means to achieving this evil design. So taking Sindh as a milch-cow and grazing ground, the Punjabis are sending their swarms and herds of people to colonize Sindh, squeeze its resources and drain it to debility. Unfortunately for Sindh, that the Pathans have also joined the Punjabis in a big way. Sindh has got more resources and rich in the delta against it. Before the establishment of Pakistan in 1941, Sindh's population was nearly 4850,000 people out of which nearly 13 lakhs Sindhi speaking Hindus were forced to migrate to Bharat, which left the Sindhi speaking population at 35 lakhs. In 1981 the population of Sindh jumped to nearly two crores that means four hundred percent increase. This phenomenal increase in population particularly the urban one can not be attributed to high birth-rate but of deliberate design and contrivance. Sindh has been made a parasitic, a vast meadow for all. All immigration laws, domicile and permanent residence rules are as fake as the so-called oft repeated ideologies. Anyone and everyone from within the country or form without can settle in Sindh with impunity. Added to this agony against Sindh is the Constitution of 1973 which institutionalizes the illegality and the illegitimacy of influx. The cupidity of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto is responsible for this informal machine. If the present rate of influx continues which is about six lakhs per annum, by the end of this century, non-Sindhis will out number Sindhis, density of population will increase beyond capacity and resources will be exhausted. Not only will Sindhis suffer from political domination and economic subservience but intellectual inferiority and cultural domination. They will be deprived of their language, the spiritual and literary store house. Even the Sindhi medium primary schools may not be allowed and Urdu may become the sole medium of instruction. Sindh and Sindhis will be clawed in the clutches of an alien language and culture. In such a situation the position of Sindhis hold in its folds the examples of American Red-Indians and Aborigines of Australia. Immediate awareness to all these fatal dangers is the need of the hour. The inherent conspiratorial intentions are to be gauged and elements and institutions inimical to Sindh are to be struck-down.

The new comers in Sindh get patronage and protection of the State power, settle in cities enjoy all amenities, civic, economic, educational and qualitatively a better life. Premium on nuisance that they get is in addition. This has given them an unearned affluence and sense of superiority. Sindhis consented to be in Pakistan on the basis of "autonomy and sovereignty" for their land. The post independence shuffling of events and reversal of trends abnormal curvatures and convexities have given rise to genuine complaints. Sindhis in general and youth in particular are angry for the atrocities, wanton mischiefs and excessive abuses of the successive governments. They condemn their elders for not counting the cost in advance of such a contact or compact. The menaces created by the ill-gotten children fathered by Pakistan are a memento to be in minority in their own motherland and mendicants in their resource rich country has precipitated their thinking. They are of the strong opinion that as long as they continue to be part of Pakistan, they will become victims of more mischiefs and misfortunes. To preclude the mirage and the mire, the restive and the restless wants to restore and retrieve the autonomous and sovereign position of Sindh. Their continuo frustration with Pakistan has rightly taken them to one logical conclusion i.e. the parting of ways with Pakistan.

2. CUSTOMS
 
Geography, environment, climate, race etc. give certain characteristics to customs of every nation. Because of the social interaction of generation after generation a sense of togetherness and oneness grows gradually which intention gives rise to common customs and social traditions. In Sindh, the Dravadian, the Arians and their many branches the Persians and the Greeks had their own customs. But that does not exclude the influence of one upon the other. Each one influenced the other and accepted some from the contemporary customs of the other people. Yet none of them lost their identity. Their customs about marriage, disposal of dead bodies, dress, the style of hair-cut and each one of them retained hairdo, growing of beards etc. In short the amalgam and the separateness continued simultaneously.

 3. RELIGIOUS BELIEFS

 Religious rituals and beliefs probably had risen from the crude and the child-like interpretation of the science of savages based on the differing evidence of sense. This gave rise to animism and inanimism. Beginning with trees, animals and reptiles, they added Sun, Moon, Stars, zodiac sky, land, mountains, fire and air to the objects of worship. Afterwards the Arians wrote Vedas, Sammarties, Puranas and introduced religious beliefs, according to their writings. As the majority of the people still were illiterate and used to remain in forests, they continued to have the old beliefs. The worship of River Sea, trees, cows and bullocks continued. The detailed information has been given in second chapter of this book. For the reformation of those customs, Jainism, Buddhism did some work and after that Persians introduced sun and fire worship. Jewish and Christian religious ideas also had some influence over Sindhis. After that Islam came through Arabs and Persians in Sindh. Islam, Judaism and Judaism and Christianity, it seem had acquired greater part of their teachings through Babylons and Summair. This as already mentioned in previous chapters, various selections of all the civilizations had their influence in Sindh and Sophism was product, of these teachings. Sindhi Dervishes like Shah Inayat, Shah Latif, Sachal Sarmast, Bedil, Sami, Rohal Fakir etc have to a great extent, narrated the above mentioned beliefs in their poetry.

4. ANCIENT TRADITIONS
 
In Sindh, after the experience of thousands of years some traditions had been established. Out of which some are good and some were bad. Following are the few good traditions of Sindhis:
 

 The common man of Sindh if busy in safe guarding. his self interests. The national consciousness, the national unity and the national feeling have therefore suffered. On account of these conditions the outsiders have often invaded Sindh and have either looted and robbed Sindh or started ruling over it. On account of these draw backs the vested interests have coined several slogans to mislead Sindhis and bring them under their domination. One is that Muslims are a separate nation, which infect is against the spirit of Islam. The second thing is that the various provinces in India where Muslims were in majority created a new country named Pakistan and are trying to show that it is an Islamic country and must be safeguarded at any cost. This has cost Sindh immensely. If it agrees to such slogans it will have to write off its history of five thousand years and puts its geographical boundaries in jeopardy and finally become subjects and slaves of Punjabi-Muhajir combine.
 

 v) Lack of National awareness.

 i) The Customs and way of Life.

 SINDH'S GEOGRAPHICAL BOUNDARIES:

Sindh's geographical boundaries should be encompassed on the basis of their culture, their language, old traditions, customs, religious beliefs and social conditions. From that point of view the old Bahawalpur State’s major part which remained under the rule of dynasty of Dawood Potas can be counted as Sindh's cultural area. Sibbi, Katchi and Lasbella districts that form part of the present Baluchistan and Kutch and Juna Garh can be included in Sindh's cultural boundaries. But the division of the country into Pakistan and Bharat Katchh and Joona Garh were given over to Bharat. Sibbi Katchi, and Lasbella areas have been handedover to Baluchistan. At present Sindh is divided in the following districts Karachi: Four districts (Four districts) Thatta, Badin, Hyderabad, Tharparkar, Sanghar, Nawabshah, Khairpur, Sukkur, Shikarpur Upper Serhad Sindh (Jacobabad) Larkana and Dadu. The area and population of the present Sindh, on the basis of 1971 Census are:

In 1954 Sindh Agricultural Commission had recommended the survey of above mentioned things. But immediately Sindh was brought under the slavery of One-Unit where these recommendations were not carried out. According to the recent information the area of Sindh has been distributed in the following categories:
 

 a) Cultivable area 34531 Sq. Miles.
b) Area under mountains and hills 5000 Sq. Miles.
c) Area under forests 1800 Sq. Miles

ECONOMIC RESOURCES OF SINDH:

  The economic resources of Sindh are divided in three groups.:
 

 1. The natural resources of Sindh and its production and income.

 The natural resources of Sindh and its productions and income:-
 

 i) Agricultural resources.
ii) Undeveloped land is to be developed and increased.
iii) Delta area is to be developed and increased.
iv) Hilly and mountainous area is to be developed and made profitable area.
v) Improve the methods of fishing and utilize them for the good of Sindh.
vi) Sindh mines to be developed and utilized for the good of country.
vii) The stone concrete and cement is to be obtained from the hilly area and utilized for the development and construction of Sindh.

 In Sindh the cultivable area as shown in the question asked by Syed Ali Qutub Shah in Sindh Assembly in which it was shown that the cultivable area in Sindh was two crores and twenty one lakhs acres. In Sindh we have got three barrages for which 134000 Cusecs water was allowed, according to the agreement between Sindh and Punjab in 1945. According to this agreement Sindh was to get 25% of water from the five tributaries of Indus River and 75% water from Indus. But after the establishment of Pakistan Sindh has been left at the mercy of Punjab. First they abolished the provinces of West Pakistan and amalgamated into what was notoriously called One-Unit. As such Sindh was deprived of its share which it was entitled to according to the agreement of 1954. Non performance and violation of the agreement by Punjab has along worked to the detriment of the interests of Sindh. Punjab has been robbing Sindh by constructing new barrages and dams against the terms of the agreement of 1954 and against the all cannons of International Law that determines the right repairman rights. To prove our point of view, we will furnish factual data. The first thing that Punjab did was to handover their tributaries to India. Their Punjabi ministers did this and Sindh had no hand in it. By so doing Punjab made good their loss by taking away Sindh's share of water. So Sindh was sentenced for no fault in its own. Punjab's arbitrary actions resulted in the decrease of seasonal crops of Sindh and increased i~ own. Following statistics will prove the plunder by Punjab for it has been taking away more than 50% of Indus water.

Area according to seasonal crop of Sindh and Punjab is shown below:

In Punjab in 1973 and 1974 the cultivated area was as under:
 

The total acre under cultivation in Punjab is 21994000 Acres and production is 14851000 Tons and in Sindh the area under cultivation is 11881000 Acres and production is 5823000 Tons, the difference between cultivated area of Punjab and Sindh is 10113000 acres and production in Sindh is 9028000 Tons less. In Punjab the cultivation under wheat crop is as under:

19400000 Acres and production is 75082000 Tons and in Sindh the cultivated area under Wheat is 2076000 Acres and the production is 1226000 Tons. The difference between Sindh and Punjab is 8828000 tons. The difference between Sindh and Punjab is 8828000 acres and in production is 4349000 Tons. In Punjab the total area under Cotton cultivation is 3383000 acres and production is 441000 Tons and in Sindh the area under cotton crop is 1167000 Acres and production is 205000 Tons. Thus the difference between Punjab and Sindh is as under:

The total average of Sindh cultivation is 2216000 less than Punjab and the production is 236000 Tons less. The average in Punjab sugar cane area is 1091000 acres. The production is 16355000 Tons and in Sindh the total area under sugar cane is 251000 Acres and the production is 3735000 Tons. The difference of acre area in average between Sindh and Punjab will stand as under:

845000 Acres less in Sindh and 12620000 Tons less Sugar cane. From the above mentioned figures one will come to know that on account of deficiencies of water the land under cultivation and the yield per acre is decreasing in Sindh cultivates 8828000 Acres less in Wheat crop, 2216000 Acres in Cotton Crop and 840000 Acres in sugar cane. The reason is that Punjab was utilizing more water against the treaty of 1945. That thing would not have happened if Pakistan had not come in existence thereby giving it monopoly of power in government. The miseries of Sindh we multiplied by imposition of One-Unit. Had it not come in existence, new barrages and dams would not have been constructed and violation of Section 17 of Treaty would not have taken place.
 

THE DEVELOPMENT OF UNCULTIVABLE LAND TO CULTIVABLE LAND

I have already mentioned above that in Sindh the following land has remained un-cultivable.
 

In 1954 the Sindh Government had appointed an agricultural commission, which after the deliberation on the subject had recommended the following scheme:

This darn was 20 miles above Johi town. Total estimated amount on that project was Rs. 12450000/-. The water was to be stored from 2000 Sq. Miles rain fall. Its gross command area was two lakhs and its cultural command was 170000 acres. It was to irrigate 85000 Acres, 65000 acres in Kharif and 17000 Acres in Rabi. Its net income would have been 805384A Rupees.

v) SANN NAIN PROJECT

 This darn was to be constructed 20 miles above Sann village. Total estimated cost would have been Rs. 13760000/-. It would have been completed in two years time. In which 105 Sq. Miles rain water would have been collected. Its gross command area was to be 15000 Acres. Annually 61 Cusics water would have cultivated 73600 Acres land in Kharif, 383 feet million cubic feet would have been collected there.

vi) BHAL PROJECT:
 

This project was 10 miles in South West Karachi. Its total estimated cost would have been Rs. 3650000/- it would have been constructed in one year's time. Its gross command area was 3~400 acres land. The cultivated area would have been 30720 acres. In Kharif it would have irrigated 16360 acres of land. From this scheme the net income would have been Rs. 1322671- It would have contained 40 millions Cusics of water.

vii) ANGAI NAIN PROJECT:

 
This nain is at a distance of ten miles from Manchar Lake. Its total estimated cost would have been Rs. 2468000/- it would have collected 170 Sq. Miles water. In its dam 556 million Cusics feet water would have been collected. Its gross command area would have been 30700 acres and would have irrigated 10000 acres annually. Its net income would have been Rs. 1460751-

viii) NAING RIVER PROJECT:
 

This project was 10 miles South West from Manchar Lake. Its estimated cost was Rs. 2553200/- it would have collected 250 Sq. Miles rain water. Its gross command area was 32000 Acres, annually 16600 acres would have been cultivated from this project. Its net income would have been Rs. 160471/-

 ix) JUNGSHAHI AND RANPATANI RIVERS PROJECT:

 These rivers are near Thana Boola Khan Landhi, Karachi, Kotri area. This would have collected rain water within 700 Sq. Miles would have been collected. The expenditure would have come to 81 lakhs of rupees. The water was to be 2600 million cubic feet. Its gross command area would have been 150000 acres. It would have cultivated 50000 acres annually. Its net income from the scheme would have been Rs. 4713701 /=

x) MAZRANI AND DELAN PROJECT:

  Its estimated cost was Rs. 82,00,000/- it would have commanded 750 Sq. Miles water of rainfall. The total water was to be 2860 million cubic feet. Its gross command area would have been 110000 Acres. Annually it would have cultivated 55000 Acres.
 

xi) OCHIO BHARNI RIVER PROJECT:

Its estimated cost would have been Rs. 2555000/- it would have commanded 300 Sq. Miles rainfall water. The total water was to be 974 million cubic feet. Its gross command area would have been 25000 Acres. It would have cultivated 14000 Acres annually. Its net income would have been Rs. 1 17386/=

 xii) BA RAN NAIN DISE VIRIH BUND PROJECT:

  It would have commanded 450 Sq. Miles rainfall water. Its estimated cost would have been Rs. 40,00,0001. Its gross command area would have been 75000 Acres. Annually cultivated area was to be 22570 acres. The total collection of water would have been 1462 million cubic feet. Its net income would have been Rs. 219147/-

 xiii) BHANDHI NAIN PROJECT:

  This is on the North South of Manchhar Lake. It is in the East of Angal River. 325 Sq. Miles rainfall water would have been commanded. Its estimated cost would have been Rs. 3650000A Its gross command area would have been 60000 acres. Its cultivated area would have been 4000 Acres. In Kharif 16156 acres would have been cultivated on it. Its total collected water would have been 1056 million cubic feet. Its net income would have been Rs. 2l472l /=.

These all schemes were prepared and ready to be implemented from the funds provided by Sindh Government. But the Pakistan Government on the mollified advice of Punjab government and the One-Unit government spent it in Punjab. On the other side Punjab was indebted to the tune of 100 crores of rupees which was to be borne by this willfully acquired money from Sindh. Pakistan, which was considered to be a boon for Sindh, actually became the slave and exploited country. Every Sindhi curses the day when Sindh became a part of Pakistan and prays for the end of its subjection and slavery in achieving its independent status.
 

DESERT AND SAND DUNES IMPROVEMENT SCHEMES.
 

Misfortunes and Muhajir and Punjabi vested interest imperialism has excluded cultural areas of Sindh that is Katch, Junagarh, Bahawalpur and Katchi, Sibbi and Lasbella. In Sindh, we wanted to develop our sand and desert areas and utilize them for cultivation for that we appointed commission to prepare projects. But according to the report of the Chief Engineer of Sindh only in Tharparkar, Deplo Talukas. Out of that 7000 Sq. Miles consisting of 4480000 acres of land, schemes for development of 150000 Acres were prepared. Which included 70 Sq. Miles area of Kharoonjhar Mountain in Nangarparkar. An average rainfall in the past 26 years was 13 feet. Its surrounding area is called Tarai. The water of rainfall was wasted in desert. It was calculated that 919200 million cubic feet would have been collected under this scheme. To properly use this water under mentioned schemes were suggested:

 i) For the collection of underground water and surface water. Walls were to be constructed.
ii) Kharoonjhar mountain rainfall water was to be stored and distributed.
iii) Field pumping scheme was to be carried out.
 

In this way through tubewell for the whole year water for irrigation could have been collected. Expenditure for which, the cultivators were prepared to bear through the support of Government. Schemes of Boring, aerial survey and digging were prepared. On which Rs.311,000 were to be spent. The net income from this would have been Rs. 21,602,078/-. The Sindh Government would have acquired 12 crores and 50 lakhs rupees from the sale of land on the rate of 25 rupees per acre. Sand dunes are spread all over the greater part of Sanghar, Nawabshah, Khairpur and Sukkur districts. Its area is estimated to be spread over 10000 Sq. Miles.

The total average would be 64 lakhs acres. This area was on the banks of Hakro River, which has disappeared since several hundred years. In the summer season the surplus water, which is discharged in the Sea, could have been collected in Makki Lake and utilized by constructing of dams in Sukkur district. All this land could have been leveled through machinery. But due to the greed of Punjabis who because of One-Unit, cancelled all these development schemes of Sindh. At that time Sindh had many good Engineers like Mohammed Moosa Memon, Ghulam Mohiuddin Abbassi and S.K. Baluch for preparation of these schemes, they could have implemented them as well.

Near the sea there is a delta of about 15 hundred Sq. Miles. It is the opinion of the experts that the area could have been developed into 3 thousand Sq. Miles, out of which we could have acquired 19 lakhs acres of cultivable land. On the Sea beach from Ibrahim Hydari, rightup to border of Katch by constructing Bunds and spurs we could have collected water in dam. Indus River annually throws 24000000 Tons of silt in the Sea and by leveling this area it could have been developed. Thus developed land could have been used for cultivation of Datepalm, Paddy, Banana Bamboo and other crops. In Holland there are bunds near the sea, which create artificial land. In that manner we could have also created additional cultivable land. For all these schemes, money is required, which we can get if we are free. At present, custom duty, Income tax, Corporation tax, Excise tax and many other taxes are being taken away by the Central Government for the benefit of Punjab mostly. Though this money belongs to the people of Sindh, but they are denied their right. Instead Muhajir, Punjabi imperialists are creating hindrances in the freedom struggle of Sindh. They do so to continue to exploit and usurp the rights of Sindh. Any body who speaks against these schemes of theirs, is dubbed as the enemy of Islam and enemy of Pakistan and thrown in jail.

THE SCHEMES FOR THE DEVELOPMENT AND INCREASE IN THE FORESTS:

  In every country forests serve the basis of cattle-grazing, fuel and wood for the construction of buildings, furniture etc. On the otherside they condition climate and serve the purpose of increasing rainfall. The Sindh agricultural commission, when examined forest experts and their opinion was that in Sindh hardly 2% area is under the forests. Even in the country like Saudi Arabia, which is mostly a desert, more land is under trees than in Sindh. For the improvement of forests and sowing the good trees through the help of barrage water and collection of rainfall water, we could increase our forest area. But unfortunately most of Sindhi legislators and politicians are greedy and hardly think in national terms. They are always busy in acquiring power for their personal sake, profit and more acquisition. They seem to be making a team with Punjabi Muhajir imperialism against the interests of Sindh and putting it in stronger chains. Giving vested interpretation to Islam and nationhood, these enemies of Sindh are all time busy in diverting the attention of the people from their real problems. The step-motherly treatment of the Central Government, the unending exploitation of Punjabi Muhajir combine and the bare betrayals of their own politicians have compelled the people of Sindh to seek salvation for the freedom of their land.

FOR THE IMPROVEMENT OF FISHING INDUSTRY AND ITS PRODUCTION THROUGH WHICH WE CAN GET SUBSTANTIAL FOOD OR BY SELLING TO OTHER COUNTRIES EARN FOREIGN EXCHANGE.

In Sindh, there are more than 520 lakes and water ponds, according to report of the fisheries department, there are 721 Lakes, ponds and water channels, from which about 15 thousand tons fish is procured every year. There is a vast Sea-Coast from which more than 2 lakhs tons of fish is caught every year. Which helps in earning foreign exchange. The benefit of that goes to central government and Sindh is left as an onlooker. Before Sindh Agricultural Commission, there were several schemes for the improvement of fisheries in Sindh. From the interior of Sindh, fish was to be brought to Urban areas. The scheme of refrigeration, cold-storage and conservation were prepared. But instead of the fish, these schemes were put in cold-storage for the simple reason that it did not benefit the vested interests.

TAXES TAKEN FROM SINDH.

Taxes collected by the Central Government from Sindh under various heads are as under:

                    i ) Customs Rs. 5491800,000/- in 1975-76

The major income comes from Sindh port which is approximately Rs. 500,00,00,000/= and the other income of Rs. 4,00,00,00,000/- comes from the income tax and Excise duty. The number of industries units in Sindh is bigger than in any other province. The greater portion of income tax also comes from Sindh, which is approximately Rs. 3,00,00,000/-. The sales tax is about Rs. 200,00,00,000 /= . The salt tax is to the extent of Rs. 60,00,00,000A . This also comes from Sindh and the other income earned from Sindh is to the extent of Rs. 2,00,00100,000/=

The total income taken from Sindh is about Rs.16,60,00,00,000/ annually. Income from the WAPDA, PIDC, Railway, PIA etc is never disclosed. The Central Government gives to Punjab Rs.170,40,00,000/- and Sindh Rs. 621 ,00,000 /= . In 1975-76 the total revenue of Punjab was Rs. 2,99,60,00,000/- and that of Sindh was Rs. 1 ,23,40,00,000/=. From these facts it will be known that the central expenses are mostly spent on the subjects of defense and other central departments, which is almost monopolized by Punjab. The central government give Rs. 170,40,00,000/- to Punjab, and to Sindh only Rs. 62,10,00,000/- as debt. Now in 1973 the total number of buses, trucks, cars was 4,57,816, our of which 29718 were buses, 49345 trucks and 163042 motor cars. Out of which Punjab had 201311 buses, trucks and motors. In Sindh the total buses, trucks and motorcars were 208262. In Pakistan there were in 1974,521 Hospitals, 2782 dispensaries, 671 maternity homes. Out of that Punjab had 239 hospitals, 1136 dispensaries and 421 maternity homes. In Sindh there were only 134 hospitals, 873 dispensaries and 112 maternity homes. In 1974 in Pakistan the total number of newspapers was 836 dailies and 270 weeklies. In Punjab the total number of newspapers was 479. Out of which 43 were daily and 155 weekly. In Sindh the total number of newspapers was 256, of which 24 were daily and 71 weekly.

Every year about 20 lakhs laborers sent to their provinces, money earned from Sindh, to the extent of 300 crore rupees and Punjabi Zamindars owning land in Sindh sent 300 crore rupees annually out of Sindh. 1520 Industries established in Sindh, sent annually 1000 crore rupees outside Sindh. Sindh contributes to central taxes about 1000 crore rupees annually. The non-Sindhis in Sindh from foreign and whole-sale trade earn to the extent of 1000 crores. WAPDA, PIDC, Railway etc. Sindh give the outsiders 500 crore of rupees. The total annual money, which goes outside Sindh to outsiders is more than 4100 crore of rupees annually.

(3) SINDH'S INDUSTRIES, MINES AND TRADE INCOME.

In 1928, when I was elected the president of Karachi Local Board, I went out to visit villages, that I found, their condition there was shocking. There were no roads, hardly any schools. Sanitary conditions were even worse. Medicare was almost non-existent. Drinking water was miserable. People lived in sub-human conditions But the worst affected were women-folk. They suffered status wise, health wise and over worked. I could easily contrast the whole situation with the one I had seen in Bombay. A few years earlier, the great revolution had taken place and through newspapers and other means we came to know the tremendous efforts that were being made to ameliorate and emancipate the people. We also knew the progress that was being made by the Western countries. We also wanted to work for the rural welfare uplift. Mr. Jeathmal Parsram, Jamshed Mehta, Hatim Alvi and other Sindhi well-wishers were our companions. We realized that it was not easy to bring about the reforms in Sindh. As in every thing else we were subordinate to Bombay government. Sindh was part of it. Bombay was far from Sindh. We couldn't take our grievances to government of Bombay. We, therefore, came to the conclusion, that without the separation from Bombay presidency our difficulties could not be reduced. We worked for the separation of Sindh from Bombay Presidency. Ultimately we got Sindh separated from Bombay. Then restarted through Sindh Assembly work for the progress of Sindh. I became Minister of Education and Industries and visited factories, colleges and university at Bombay and attended all India National Planning Commission under the leadership of Jawahar Lal Nehru and prepared the plans and schemes for the development of the country. But we came to know that so long as the country is under the domination of British imperialism, nothing much could be achieved. Freedom from the foreign rule was the only solution. Therefore we started working for freedom of country. The second handicap, which I had to face was that most of our Muslim population lived in villages and rural areas. The urban population consisted mostly of Hindus who had vested interests against the majority.

This second factor prompted the Muslims of Sindh to strive for independence and placed them in the main stream of all India politics, which in its wake brought about the partition of the Sub-Continent and emergence of independent Pakistan and Bharat. But after the establishment of Pakistan our experience has taught us that vested interests are not necessarily a characteristic of one religion or the other and have come to the conclusion that the place of Hindu vested interests has been taken by the Muhajirs and Punjabi vested interests. Sindh's internal autonomy is necessary for the improvement of local conditions. but the central government and Punjabi vested interests have become insurmountable hindrances. Their predecessors have caught Sindh like a bird that has fallen in the snare. Sindh must continue to disencumber itself and get riddance and relief. The unending machinations of the vested interests handed by the Central Government have continued to enslave Sindh. It was the influx of aliens, the separation of Karachi form rest of Sindh, repeated dismissals of Sindh cabinets, dissolution of provincial assembly, governor's rule and finally obliteration of provincial boundaries in the form of One-Unit. When after the interminable struggle, One-Unit was dismembered. Sindh instead of getting the right of provincial autonomy was interloped and interlocked in the clutches and claws of the high-handedness of the ruthless central government and alien capitalists who mostly hold form Punjab and those who had migrated from India.

Though our struggle against One-Unit was to redeem the provincial status and autonomy for Sindh for its good. But the conspirators plotted and schemed to exclude Sindhis, particularly rural population from the fruits of their revival and renaissance in the name of Muslim nation and Islamic brotherhood, as if only the aliens and outsiders were Muslims and Sindhis were not. As such under the patronage and protection of the authoritative central government, all exploitative elements were sponsored and supported, the main players in the booty were the Punjabis and Muhajirs. Sindhis made hue and cry for their just rights but to no avail. The loot and plunder continues unabated. After the establishment of Pakistan central government to manipulate the establishment of industries for their favorites kept industries, commerce and trade ministries under its control. These ministries have issued innumerable permits and licenses and given billions of rupees to these favorites. But no Sindhis worth mention have benefited from such industrialization either in the form of investor or laborer. The exposure of such prejudicial policy has always been branded with ready-made labels of anti-Islam, anti-Pakistan provincialists and parochial.

We claim and insist that we have been Sindhis and lived in Sindhi for thousands of years. We have been a separate nation and land for as many years. No one can believe that historical fact and therefore we have that right as well as duty to think talk and act in terms of Sindh. We can never abandon nor abdicate our rights and duty in favor of the fake and false pronouncements Surrender we cannot. Extricate we must. Unless the robust reality of provincial existence is appreciated and their utility accepted, the independence will become a parody of itself and the rupture inevitable. Let all concerned get the message clearly.

The incessant incendiarism of the alien capitalists and wishful Punjabi imperialists have committed such heinous crimes against Sindh that they can neither be forgiven nor forgotten. Some of them are as under:-

I have narrated earlier in the book that SINDHU DESH since last 5000 years has remained a separate country and people residing in it, had their separate script, language civilization and citizenship. The country became so famous for its riches that the outside imperialists from time to time, for the sake of exploitation and loot, invaded the country. The people acquired education from various religions and remained tolerant and believed in co-existence. The synthesis of the different teachings gave birth to the doctrine of Sufism. The vicissitudes of time and the repeated out-side invasion brought in their wake many sufferings b~ Sindhis were able to get rid of misfortune and manacles and regained their freedom and preserved language and culture, freedom and dignity, protecting and preserving their language and culture. Patriotism, their traditions and sense of separate nationhood sustained them with fortitude, they would emerge as a free nation.

The integration of Sindh into Bombay presidency by the Britishers created manifold difficulties and hardships, because the seat of administration was distant, the grievances were not redressed. The riddance and separation from Presidency was the solution. Despite the British toadies and lackeys the struggle for separation was launched. The front fighters among others were Messers Seth Herchand Rai Vishindas, Ghulam Mohammed Bhurgari, Jamshed Mehta, Hajji Abdullah Haroon, Jethmal Parsram, Shaikh Abdul Majid, Mohammed Ayoub Khuhro, Pir Ah Mohammed Shah Rashdi and myself. The main thrust and argument for separation was that Sindhi was a separate country and nation. The Britishers conceded and Sindh was separated and given a status of a province.

The so-called two nation theory partitioned the sub-Continent. To our lack of anticipation and pre-meditation we had to suffer to be a province of Pakistan. Sindh and Bengal were the two independent counties when the Britishers conquered them in the nineteenth century. But when the British Raj ended, the original position of these two countries was not reverted to. The feeling of deprivation and injustice done to Sindh awakened an awareness in politically conscious Sindhis This awareness scared the vested interests of the new imperialists. In order to cover their guilt and wickedness, they fabricated false deeds and devices in the name of theories, doctrines and ideologies to be used as weapons against Sindh for their interests. Of such devices the main were:

i) The reality of the countries and the nations existed before the British conquest was denied and its place a new theory on one Muslim nationhood and new country was introduced. The midnight birth on 14-8- 1947 was neither real nor historical because nations and countries are never born overnight.

(2) To claim national status for Urdu language cannot be justified. Every nation is separate and different on the basis of its geographical territory. In Sindh for thousands of years, Sindhi has been the only language in use. The details of which have been given in the third chapter if it is being imposed over and above Sindhi language. The infant and outside language has no right to displace the people's language of thousands of years in age and use. Urdu language is not a language of any province, Islam which was revealed in Arabic language and is connected with Hebrew. This Urdu language will be equivalent to surrendering to the imperialism of Muhajir and Punjabis. If the Punjabis are prepared to forget their language which is rich with classical work of Bulla Shah, War's Shah, Guru Nanik, Khawaja Farid and Shah Bahu that convey message of love and accept the teachings of British agent. Dr. lqbal we can only feel sorry for them but cannot help. But they must know that even Dr. Lqbal realized his mistake and gave up writing in Urdu and wrote his poetry in Persian. On the otherside the Pakhtoons have also forgotten the teachings of Khush Hal Khan Khattak, who taught them the lessons of patriotism. If they also abandon their heritage, it is their lookout . Balochies condition is miserable. Their country is divided in four languages. One part speaks Pushto, the other part speaks Brauhvi, the thud part speaks Sindhi and fourth speaks Baluchi. Their total population is about 30 lakhs. Out of which hardly Baluchi speaking people are 12 lakhs. I do not know on which basis they can accept Urdu as the national language, except on gun point. I do know what crime Sindhis have committed, for which their advanced language of thousands years should be superceded? in Sindh, people coming from Punjab, speak Punjabi in their houses, Gujraties speak Gujrati in their house, Marwari speak Marwari in their houses. But in public they speak Sindhi language. If the commission of linguistic experts is appointed their verdict, lam sure, will be that Sindhi language is richer than Urdu language. How can Sindhis accept this landless rootless and roaming Urdu language. In all respects its is inferior to Sindhi language. No nation can be formed without geographical territory and language without nation has got no status. The reaction of Bengalis against language of Pakistan was not only violent but sowed the seeds of their cessation. Thus Urdu has already done a great harm. In Sindh, the mercenary minister Pir Illahi Bux was persuaded to thrust Urdu upon Sindhis. But the experiment failed. To continue to foist a foreign language is to be indifferent to history and refuse to learn from the past experience. This autocratic attitude of being wise is folly and foolish as wisdom is bound to drive the people of Sindh to withdraw from the present arrangement.

(3) The central Government has arrogated of the state powers. It is mostly and permanently a Punjabi dominated demoniac. In such a situation Sindh loses its special identity and remains an appendent only.

Mr. Jinnah probably was either indifferent or ignorant of the history of the sub-continent. He should have known the abortive attempts made by Ashuk, Chandur Gupta, Akbar the Great, Aurangzeb and finally the Britons to keep India intact. To his good fortune Mr. Jinnah died a year later after the establishment of Pakistan and thus God saved him to see the complete collapse of his short-sighted policies. Bengalis refuted the two nation theory of one Muslim nation and parted company. If the present evil continues in principle and practice, time may not be far off when Sindhis will also be compelled to choose their own path. After the partition of India, Liaquat Ali invited several thousand Muslims from India to come and colonize Sindh and capture its resources. He soled out factories trade, main services, banks and agricultural land of Sindh to these immigrants. Because he was reluctant to make Punjabis the consorts in the spoils and plunder, he was assassinated. Since then the Punjabi Muhajir combined political and economic casino continued, the major share of the gambling transaction going to Punjabis and the rest to Muhajirs. When Mr. Bhutto contrived to capture political power, he also continued the same policies. He tried not only to protect and preserve the interests of his patrons but to perpetuate them as well. The scape-goat in the game was Sindh. Mr. Bhutto betrayed Sindh and was betrayed by Punjab and hanged. After him, under the cover of Martial Law, Jamait-e-Islami the most retrogressive and reactionary party is trying once again to play the part of an agent of Punjab imperialism and continue the subjection and servitude of Sindh. lt. is even trying once more to merge Sindh into Punjab. But that is as big folly as the Arabs made when they wanted to bring all conquered lands under one Khilafat. History is an evidence against such adventurism but the institution of Khilafat has been abolished. So if the Punjabis are dreaming of establishing their imperialism through Jamati-e-Islam, let them be sure that like Arab imperialism and Khilafat, their fate too will not be different

A friend of mine Ghulam Mustafa Bhurgari has all along held the opinion that every Pakistan Government motivated by greed and gain, must of necessity be grabbed and controlled by those who can deceive and defraud on one hand and inflict autocracy and arbitrariness on the other and thus add insult to the spirit of independence and injury to the democracy. The rule in Pakistan will always be a war of wits between the wile and the wicked, in which a better political sharper will win.

Let every one understand the difference between the Revealed writ and Jamait-e-Islami' 5 interpretation. The latter preaches creed and club, greed and grab whereas the former teaches fine values of life and assigns a moral purpose to it. I have read Moudodi the founder of Jamate-Islami, at length. His scholastic ability in the theology cannot be denied. But his vision about the political and economic realities of the percentage, his fanaticism and bigotry is harming rather than helping the Islamic values. And if his interpretations are allowed to influence the governments, then, Islam in Pakistan may have to endure the same sad end as did Christianity in Russia after the great revolution of 1917. The big blunders made by Mullahs are that they try to make prayer bigger than God and mix-up religion and politics and make a complete mess of the whole social system. In the words of Maulana Abul Kalam Azad that whenever religion and politics are mixed the indictment of the Mullahs and the sword of the soldier have been used for political tactics. The universal allegation against Jamait-e-Islami and its leadership is that it is serving the vested interests of its pay-masters within the country and those outside. With huge amounts of money, it is able to engage an army of paid workers and flood the market with cheap literature with a view to subdue and supplant the rising nationalism in Sindh. Though the rulers take temporary advantage of the tricks and tactics by using religion and the Mullah, yet in the long they have always done an irreparable harm to the golden principles of love, non-violence, coexistence and non-partisanship taught by all the revealed religions.

(4) Here in Sindh, we from the older generation refuse to be trapped by the tactical interpretation of religion by the Mullah and the military because of the teachings of our great Saint poets like Shah Latif, Sachal Sarmast and Sami But the new generation is in revolt against this outrageous and perverted interpretation and application of the religion. The misuse of Islam is creating a contrary effect on the minds of our youth. The triangular vested interests of Mullah, Military and Punjabi Muhajir combine are compelling and even disowning the whole fabrication. They can distinguish between a den and a devil and want to destroy the diabolism.

4. DECEPTION IN THE NAME OF DEMOCRACY:

 So much do the representatives that we often fail to realize the significance of the change that this word represents accustom us to the word democracy as a rule. Democracy is a distinguished feature of modern civilized society. It preaches equality of individual and is hospitable to the plurality of ideas. It gives rise to a preformed change in attitudes towards the individual and his place in the community. It opens the way for individual activity and social mobility Democracy challenges the long existent decadent social hierarchies and arouses the sentiment of nationalism. It stimulates drive for equalitarian change maintains equilibrium and adjustment between conflicting demands, creates deliberately conditions of social well being demanded by the doctrine of equality. All these noble goals if achieved through erecting safeguards against Adventists. It promotes decentralization and localization of powers, authority through framing of constitutions based on the common consent and accommodation for differing interests.

The chief characteristic of democracy is to provide institutions and guarantees as well as regular, periodic and peaceful change of government and power, respect for different even opposite points of view, an open opportunity to analyze issues, criticize and limit governmental actions and authority. It permits independent purveyance of news and views and formulation of judgments. It necessitates political parties to keep constant contact between the public and the leaders and representatives. Thus freedom of speech, of association and of assembly are essential to its spirit and life.

In short democracy is a freedom of choice among ideas and leaders. But on the spectrum of political alternative we have had stateism, personalization of leadership and power, unscrupulous and repressive regimes, concentration of powers, a fake mandate for authorititerianism, constitutional autocracy and characteristic colonial control. Our entrance in independent Pakistan was on the equal basis of Autonomy and Sovereignty for our nation. But the post-independence period attests to a tragic story of home betrayals, reversal of trends and shuffling of events in the name of fake and false ideologies, religion and democracy, an unending fraud and deceit wicked and villains have been imposed upon us. Brutal ruthlessness, shameless cunning and thorough going selfishness are the talisman of the rulers. And worst of them all is the religion-political authority. All these have been taking this country from one dilemma to another in delirium.

Pakistan politics has been suffering from the perennial paradox of lusty materialism, feverishly money mad interests and a race/rule on one hand and altruistic minds on the other. It has become a prey to a perpetual antithesis of the forces, the dynamic tendency towards change and the State insanity towards status-quo.

The repressive racial regimes have continued to patent and prescribe their standardized rule based on domination usurpation and exploitation and Sindh has been singled Out in particular to suffer these conspicuous sources of danger to its existence. The evil designs, atrocities and outrages have produced acute perturbations of mind and violent antipathies. The submerged and suppressed masses of Sindhi have come out of their slumber and sleep and have decided to get rid of regimentation and militarism, conformity and infirmity. The liquidation of the marathon is on their agenda. To perform the historic task of general and social reconstruction Sindhis have decided to design a political road-map in the formation of an independent and harmonious Sindhu Desh which will rationalize, universalize and humanize the operation of the political power. Though at present the forces against seem to be immovable, the objective is arrest able and the faith prevent. It is not an idea only but an idea also.

The perennial struggles of slaves against masters, plebian against patricians, serfs against feudal, bourgeois against landed gentry, proletariat against bourgeois, workers against capitalists, democrats against dictators, nationalists against imperialists furnish the dramatic examples of ideas in action and the perfect precedents of successful deal against force and fraud. Power based on exploitation and prostration, aggrandizement and acquisition must lie buried under its own debris at one or the other stage. That is history. And history shall not be left to the ruthless vested interests in Pakistan.
 

5. BETRAYAL OF SOCIALISM.
 
Man is a queer and quizzical creature. Kind and cruel. Sympathetic and apathetic, benevolent and brutish, social and solitary, he oscillates between two extremes, when God created the universe, He sent His Prophets to teach and preach harmony and homogeneity. These great men discharged their divine duty and resumed to Eternity. but unfortunately their successors and followers, noble exceptions apart, injected new dogmas and doctrines and fouled the whole mission of these divine guides. Instead of thinking the mission forward, they committed cruelties and barbarities in the name of crusades and holy wars.

To the good fortune of humanity, simultaneous with these mad forces, there appeared from time to time, reformer, redeemers, philosophers and thinkers who continued to remind the humanity of the divine will and wish. But the inflated egoism and unmitigated authority, unaccredited agents and missionaries sans mission infected with imbecility and ineptitude fostered the hemlock and the crucification, Karbala and Hiroshima, concentration camps and cuts. Vietnam and Bangladesh carnage’s. Thus fratricide, annihilation and domination replaced the noble principles of toleration, coexistence and fraternity.

The frailties and failings apart, the conscientious members of the human race never ceased 10 articulate and exalt the enabling ideals of social amelioration. But unfortunately these ideals from Hellenic and Greeks to Mediaeval and modern limes, made but little headway. The present heirochiol system and stratification have been as ruinous and reckless as they have been through out the written history.

The burgeoning transmutation of the noble ideals was going too far and becoming too distressing because of the Industrial Revolution. The abuses of economic over lordship were growing as offensive as those of political over lordship. As a result of this state of affairs, a fierce and flaming passion for relief and redress through revolutionary reforms was gestating in the wounds of society. Struggle for economic justice became the host of all liberal sentiments. But it was the great glory of Socialist thought that broke through the massive crust to correct the inequities of economic system.

Socialism in its initial impulse and influence was a dynamic theory and a tremendous impetus for action. A creative force like that should have failed to conquer the obstacles is a travesty so tragic and painful. Though so much blood has been shed in its name that even comparison becomes cruel, yet the grinding lot of the masses and the heavy toll of the subject classes have not achieved their desired economic position. They have not been able to translate their will into law. The submerged masses remain submerged and more numerous. The privileged remain privileged, the rich, richer and the ruling classes continue to rule. So the discontent continues to accumulate. Admittedly that ingrained in Socialism are so many merits and the faith in the fair deal is fervent but its emphasis on ends only ignoring the ethics and morals of the means and methods probably caused its setback. Besides it is being eclipsed by still a nobler Sentiment of rising nationalism.

Religion, democracy and socialism are all human in ideals and intentions. But in Pakistan religion has beep corrupted, democracy has been mauled beyond recognition and socialism has been prostituted. And now all the political rascals find the last refuge under the umbrella of one or the other. We have already mentioned how deplorably the Punjabi Muhajir clique has depleted the sanctity and sacredness of religion and put it on the shopping list as a commercial commodity. They doublet of these commercial customs of religion are the so-called socialists of Sindh as far as Sindhi nationalism is concerned. The double-rivet the deceit by working as agents of the common enemy of Sindh. They divert the attention and energies of Sindhi Nationalists against the real enemy i.e. the Punjabi Muhajir vested interest and all their guns against their own kith and kin in the name of economic determinism and class-struggle. As in case of religion the mercenaries are recruited to fight for the protection and preservation of vested interests so are the Socialists to perpetuate the same interests by creating hatred between the classes, promising the down-trodden the lost paradise, by creating conflicts and confusion among the rank and file of the nationalists and thus divide or debase the spirit and forces of Sindhi nationalism to please their paymasters. But for the association of the coffee house intellectuals and easy chair academicians, with socialism, these gratified socialists should live disappeared disrespectfully from both sides of the equation, the socialism and the nationalism. But the Sindhis should all the time beware of these noisy grasshoppers, the counterfeit socialists.

The nationalists are not against socialism. On the contrary they believe that each exercises on inexorable influence upon the other. Only the priorities differ. The nationalists believe that the extension, perfection and application of nationalism will automatically promote the growth of socialism.

The inauspicious augury of Pakistan was made by violating the basic contact of autonomy and sovereignty of the constituent "Units" followed by swallowing the provincial status of Sindh and its merger with greater Punjab i.e. One Unit and an unending imposition of militarism and monopoly for greed and gain at the cost of Sindh, and all with impunity. This disgrace and degradation has increased manifold after East Bengal disenchanted itself from the tightly twisted Muslim nationalism, an even otherwise ingenuous concept.

Though the Bengalis had to pay a heavy price in life, blood and chastity in fighting against the devils of death land, they freed themselves from the swaddling clothes of the Punjabi-Muhajir political domination, economic exploitation and religious commercialization. Since the defeat and debacle of this tri-corporate in Bengal, these tri-cornegorous and mendacious cannibals have decided to devour Sindh politically, economically and culturally to change its demography and ethics. The so-called national press owned and controlled by these vested interests the corrupt and prejudiced bureaucracy the lambfat industrialists and the disc-folker intellectuals have joined them for the complete intimidation of our beloved Sindh coupled with the plunderage and pillage of the outsiders and aliens are our own gratified socialists who like a bee carry honey in her mouth and sting in the tail. They talk lend and wear cassocks of amelioration and emancipation for the down trodden but created hatred and enmity on the basis of classes but hardly utter a word against the alien vested interests. The non-stop of influx from every where, the web of military cantonments, the robbery of Indus water, the linguistic subservience, the cultural humiliation and a host of other grievnees (10 not attract their attention. They wear lethal weapons being used systematically against Sindh for its extinction. It is high time that Sindhis should fortify themselves against these subverts, the snake in the grass. The nationalists know fully well that political power and economic power are a support for each other. Both use exploitation against the masses. The nationalists are neither unaware nor indifferent to the plight of the underprivileged. They not only want the struggle for honorable existence to proceed without alleviation but want to give it strength also. What they suspect in these false claims of amelioration is that they mean to circumvent the rising tide of nationalism at the behest of their masters.

At the moment Sindhis are merely lodged on their own premises as on-lookers for their industrial estates and subservient to the gigantic cultural government. The nationalists are aiming at becoming proprietors instead of mere lodgers, owners instead of on-lookers and self-rulers instead of subjects. That is their first priority. Once they achieve these objectives, nationalism will enlarge its scope and application to perfection of society and purge and purify the whole fabric from the decadent classes whether that be Zamindars or industrialist, Bureaucrats or baron.

The question is normally raised why such a priority. The answer is simple. Apart from many other significant examples; the most outstanding precedent in Sindh about such a pseudo-socialists is Mr. Zulfikar Ah Bhutto. Though himself a feudal in background, he raised a bogey of socialism. Disguising his designs for grabbing power he successfully befooled and beguiled the people under the banner of Islamic Socialism. Re misguided the people into belief that led them by the nose-hauling rope to the doom and derision. Bhutto played a double-trick upon the people of Sindh. Re would call himself a Sindhi and a socialist. In fact he was neither. He was a planted man and an artificial triple-cross, Punjabi people, and military, American imperialism on one hand were assured by him of his unflinching loyalty and a cunning and dexterous dramatic methods captured and hypnotized Sindhi sentiment on the other. The multi-dimensional damage that this Sindhi pseudo socialist did to Sindhi and its people is immeasurable. The inequities and indignities, the flood-gates open for aliens and strangers in Sindh and the atrocious attitudes were the cuts and bruises. Sindh suffered during his rule. The constant characteristic of his rule was that he sedated the people with his demagoguery and robbed them of their rights. the prospered on slogan mongering and kept people to live on hopes and promises that lie never meant to fulfil. Cunning and shrewd as he was he used the slogan of socialism, to harass and lowdown the already half-servile feudal lords and bighorns. All clustered around him. What in fact he wanted was only personal projection and power. The party and his brand of socialism were the apparatus he use to achieve his personal ends. Expecting socialization from a band of eternal exploiters like Makhdooms, Mirs, Jams and Bhuttos headed by him was asking for impossible. Lest the real nationalists expose his designs and explode his myth, he unleashed all repression and rigors against them. And in his own party, he corrupted the more vocal workers giving permits and licenses. Those who hung their hopes on his socialism were thrown behind bars. What is more surprising and even shocking was the support the socialists and the communist lent to this agent of Punjabi-Muhajir imperialism. In short the self-styled socialists and communists, the vested interests in Pakistan and outside and leagued to entrench a clique that would betray socialism destroy democracy pervert religious interpretation and use all their stratagem to trick and deceive the people in general and throttle Sindhi nationalism in particular. Reviewing the situation, the role of the socialist and communist giants like U.S.S.R. and China is no different from the patrons of imperialism like U.S. .A. and U.K. Both continue to support the oppressive and treacherous rulers. For the submerged and the suppressed people of Sindh Baluchistan and Frontier, the role of one is ignominious and that of the other is abominable.

THE STORY OF SINDH BEING AMALGAMATED WITH BOMBAY PRESIDENCY AND ITS SUBSEQUENT SEPARATION.

 
The readers of the history of British rule, will know that after conquering Sindh, the British Government merged Sindh with the Bombay presidency for their administrative convenience, they reduced Sindh to the status of Commissioner's Division. The harms which were done under that period can be narrated below:

 
(i) Bombay was at a great distance from Sindhi. Officials did not give much attention to the problems of Sindh. In those days there were no roads nor canals were dug or Barrages constructed in Sindh. There were hardly any high schools and colleges in Sindh. Sindh was doubly neglected colony. Neither the British Officers in Sindh nor the Presidency Bureaucrats catered to the needs of Sindh. Lack of proper communication and metal roads, disinterestedness in improving and increasing agricultural sector, indifference to public health and complete neglect of educational facilities were the dismal and appalling pictures of Sindh as part of Bombay Presidency.
 

From Karachi to Sukkur, on both sides of the Indus, there was no road. Because of that trains made the longer journey. But the movement in the interior remained primitive or mediaeval i.e. on camels, bullock carts or on foot. Karachi port was not developed because it would have affected financial interests of Bombay port. To reach Bombay, journey by sea was not only hazardous but risky as well. So people went by Indus upto Multan and Lahore, then to Delhi and Bombay. Lack of port facilities resulted in loss of the foreign trade also.

Education suffered a criminal neglect at the hands of the administration. Had it not been for the philanthropy of some non-Muslim and Muslim gentlemen, there would have been no colleges and high schools. Non-Muslims opened N.E.D. Engineering college and D.J. College at Karachi and National College at Hyderabad and number of high schools and Muslims opened madras’s at Karachi, Naushehro Feroze, Sukkur and Larkana and high schools at Hyderabad and Tando Bago. But these madarassas and high schools could hardly meet the need of the 75% Muslim population of Sindh. The only interest the bureaucracy had in Sindh was to visit the interior during hunting trips and shoot partridges and indulge in big game hunting. And such visits displayed more royalty than any thing else. The total neglect continued to make conditions more deplorable. The situation remained unchanged between l848 and 1911 A.D.

When the British government decided to give some nominal reforms to India, Councils were established. Bombay Council was one of them. It had only three members from Sindh. But the presidency covered a vast area and population, the members from Maharashter and Gujrat were apathetic and ignorant of the prevalent conditions of Sindh. The voice of Sindh through these three members was not heard and heeded.

The total economic life of Sindh depended on agriculture. There was no canal or barrage system. The average rainfall was very low and monsoon seasons were either very short or intermittent. So agriculture was a gamble in rain. Often times the gamble did not pay and Sindh was afflicted with the curse of famine. So the representatives from Sindh repeatedly emphasized the introduction of a system of small channels and water-course commonly known as 'Karias'. Instead of extending the helping hand, the representatives from other areas would laugh away and taunt.

The cumulative effect of this apathy and scorn was that the elite of Sindh decided to start a movement for separation of Sindh from Bombay. Hindu Bureaucracy, the merchants and even the Bombay Government opposed it. Though the British Government in 1920, but the movement introduced some additional reforms for separation continued. Ultimately the All India Congress Organization also supported the struggle and it became a mass movement. The stalwarts of this movement were Rais Ghulam Mohammed Bhurgari, Seth Harchand Rai Vishindas, Jamshed Mehta, Jethmal Parsram, Shaikh Abdul Majid Sindhi, Mohammed Ayoub Khuhro, Hajji Abdullah Haroon, myself and many others. The movement, despite opposition from vested interests, succeeded and Sindh regained its separate entity and status. But the intervening period of merger had already done an irreparable loss and major portion of the brunt was borne by Muslims of Sindh because they were in majority, rural and rustic agriculturists.

The Sindhi Muslim Zamindars, in spite of economic well being never sent their children for education and thus they were left behind in the race for progress. On the other hand the Hindu affluent class engaged their attention on education and created an understanding with their British rulers and entered into government services which helped them to earn money to receive patronage and increase their commerce and trade. So they continued to prosper. The Muslims because of their uncertain irregular incomes used to mortgage or sale their lands to this new moneyed-class. The Hindus who hardly owned a few thousand acres of land, acquired about thirty lakhs of acres by money lending, mortgaging or outright purchase. The ignorance of civil law by Muslims added to the property and riches of the Hindus. The newly acquired prosperity and plenty of money added to their property, prestige and power. The details of such acquisition have been given by me in the book titled "Separation of Sindh from Bombay". Because our lone voice was not being heard in the All India Political noisy world, we had to seek help of All India Muslim League and Khilafat Movement. The minority Muslim provinces were facing a number of difficulties in their own areas. But because they were educated and politically aware, they could form communal organizations to pressurize the politics and politicians to give them more representation than their due. Our main purpose was separation from Bombay. To achieve this national objective the All India Politicians demanded a price in reducing our share of 75% in the assembly to 60% to give weightage to the Muslim minority provinces. Added this contrivance, as a condition, was the separate seats for Hindus and Muslims. This was too big a price to pay for acquiring provincial status for Sindh. The Sindh Assembly comprised of sixty seats, Muslim through 75% could only get thirty five seats because of the two unjust and black-mailing preconditions for separation. Lack of education, political awareness and consciousness, the eternal maladies of Sindhi Muslims were too big handicaps to be overcome. Moreover the masses were under the evil influence of the greedy and corrupt Zamindars, Pirs, Sajjada-e-Nash ins, Mirs and Feudal lords. They used to exercise their right of franchise at their biddings only. The member so elected held their personal gains and profits high and Supreme. They had never intended, thought or worked for the welfare of their electorates. The Hindu members are against the Muslim members, were educated and enlightened and worked under the Panchaits system. The gulf between the two sections of the Sindhi population continued to widen. A few Muslim members that tried to do some constructive work for the Sindhi masses chalked out a program to be implemented through the Sindh Assembly. One of the basic and immediate issues before us was to restrict proprietorship of agricultural land to cultivating class only. The Punjab Assembly already passed the same law. The few of us concentrated our efforts on reducing the inequities of the money-lenders, in getting government jobs for Muslims in proportion to their population, spreading a network of Schools in the villages linking villages with towns and cities through roads, diminishing and weakening the undue, influence and power of the chief feudal lords and bureaucrats. But unfortunately, the majority of elected Muslim members aligned themselves with Hindu vested interests and we were unable to translate our intentions into actions. Faced with such a situation we tried to achieve our purpose of amelioration through communal organization like the Muslim League. I admit it was our fatal political blunder. Taking refuge under religion for political purpose and subordinating politics to communalism had far reaching ill effects on the whole province. Though our intentions were high and noble, the support we sought was the result of either over-enthusiasm for welfare or short-sighted political acumen.

The masses of Sindh, religion apart, believed in the brotherhood of man. Under the influence of the wholesome and humanitarian teachings of mystic poets like Guru Nanik, Shah Inayat, Shah Latif, Sachal Sarmast, Sami, Rohal Fakir and others, they had imbibed the lessons of unity and peace. The Muslim League already communal organization, under the influence of fanatics from Muslim minority provinces threw a stone in this peaceful pond and create communal commissions and convulsions. The communal frenzy had reached such a climax that even a small spark could flare-up with a conflagration. An example of such mad menace was the ugly incident of "Masjid ManzilGah". After the conquest of Sindh, the British government converted an abandoned mosque with an administrative office. The mosque was situated in Sukkur ManzilGah. The Muslims wanted the original status of the mosque to be restored. It was an issue between the Muslims and the Government and Hindus had nothing to do with it except that there existed a Hindu temple 'Sadh Belo' in the middle of the Indus river opposite to this mosque. The Hindu community pressed its representation to impress upon the government not to hand over the premises of the mosque to the Muslims which infuriated the Muslims. The fanatics or better the agents provocateurs on both sides made it a question of life and death and gave it religious tenor and tone resulting in bitterness and Hindu Muslim Riots.

By temperament and training I am a firm believer in the doctrine of Sufism (Mystics) which teaches love, peace and co-existence. But my experience in the Sindh Assembly, where these very Hindu members in complicity with the Muslim members had frustrated our efforts for the welfare of the general masses, and had come out in favor of a demand in which Hinduism had no stake shocked me. And as a reaction I also joined the agitation on behalf of the Muslims. To be partisan in an unnecessary religious quarrel was against the personal mission of my life. On reflection I felt it means a mistake and complete deviation from my principles. The Hindus, to add fuel to the fire, sent for D. Monji a fanatic leader of Hindu Maha Sabha who vomited venom and contaminated the atmosphere even more.

The Muslim League leaders Hajji Abdullah Haroon, Shaikh Abdul Majid Sindhi, Khan Bahadur Khuhro and Ali Mohammed Rashdi, to score a point over Hindus, called the session of the Sindh Provincial Muslim League and requested Mr. Jinnah to preside over the session. On 10th October, 1938 the Provincial League passed a resolution demanding partition of India on communal basis. Subsequently such a resolution was also passed on 23rd March, 1940 by the All India Muslim League in its Lahore session. This resolution clearly stated that the Muslim Majority provinces would be made autonomous and sovereign states. The resolution envisaged Independent State Status for Sindh also. So I also got a resolution to that effect passed by the Sindh Assembly. The Lahore Resolution was incorporated in the basic principles of the League in the session held in 1941 at Madras. With passage of time we came to know that the League leaders from Muslim minority provinces had their own axe to grind and hoped to colonize the majority provinces by mass migration. So they called a session at Delhi in 1946 and changed the terminology to suit their designs. I could sense the mischief behind this contrivance and started resisting this change. Then League leadership took this as a personal affront and expelled us from the League. Under a compact, we decided to oppose Muslim league with the cooperation of nationalist congressite Hindus. When the British Cabinet Mission visited India, I, in my capacity as the leader of the opposition in Sindh Assembly demanded confederation of independent partition of India on communal basis and congress stuck to its original demand for free United India. But by that time people had already agreed on partition except Maulana Ubedullah Sindhi and Raj Gopal Acharia.

The end of the Second world war left many effects of tremendous impact in its wake. The British Empire was no exception. So the British government decided to divide India on communal basis and quit. One part of it was handedover to Congress and the other to Muslims. From Minority provinces came to majority provinces in millions and the majority of Hindus migrated to India. The influx and immigration into Sindh was of such a big magnitude that it secured that these lords of people were invading Sindh and colonizing it. So was it proved when they started occupying and grabbing everything, houses, residence, factories, industries and even educational institutions. Under the patronage of Liaquat Ah the first Prime Minister not only were these lords allowed to usurp and grab everything but those that remained behind in India were invited and tempted to come and partake in the booty. The concealed conspiracy became apparent and more menacing when these immigrants compelled Government to accede to their demands it was an eye-opener for us and the ensuring damages to the existence of Sindh. We were being thrown from frying pan of British imperialism to fire of Punjabi Muhajir imperialism. The central government headed by a Muhajir did all that against Sindh that the invading lords did to North India in the past. Making Punjabis their partners in the clandestine deal, the Muhajir Punjabi combine not only grabbed the movable and immovable property left behind by the emigrating Indus but captured government services and occupied agricultural lands of three barrages and Makhi Lake. The knock out blow came in the chopping of Karachi from the rest of Sindh. The plunder was not only base and degrading but violent and terrorist. The logic of the situation aroused suspicions and doubts about the spirit and purpose of independence. And Sindhis were forced to refute the gospel of greed with the counter acting principles and strategy. At the time of the separation of Karachi, I was kept under house-arrest. But that did not stop the Sindhi representatives and masses from demanding return of Karachi to Sindh, allotment of agricultural lands to Sindhis and recognition of Sindhis as a separate nation. Along with others, I got such resolution passed from the Assembly instead of accepting our just and genuine demands, the authorities sent me to jail.

The provincial cabinet during the period that these genuine demands of the people of Sindh were made, was headed by Mr. Abdul Sattar Pirzada, which created disturbance for the guilty and greedy central government. It found Mr. Pirzada a bone stuck in his throat. So they dismissed him along with his cabinet and in his place installed Mr. Ayoub Khuhro who was disqualified by the same central government taking part in politics and as such was not even the member of the Assembly. In return for that gratification Mr. Khuhro had promised to force Sindhis to merge into One-Unit. Tempted, enticed, threatened and coerced the spineless members to pass a resolution in favor of one unit amounting to death warrant for Sindhi Nation. In this evil design Pir Ah Mohammed Rashdi assisted Mr. Khuhro. Release from British subjection after a century heralded a new chapter in the history of Sindh. It was hoped that days of degradation were over and the newly won freedom will bring back the original independent position to Sindh. But Alas! that was not to be between separation from Bombay and inception of Pakistan, Sindh had only ten years of provincial status. Though we may not boast of a phenomenal progress during that period, yet many schools and colleges were established, the Sindh University Act was passed, many metallic roads were constructed, hospitals, dispensaries and maternity homes were opened. Two barrages on Indus, inaugurating a vast network of irrigation system and rising expectations of prosperity were constructed. Sindhi language was patronized and many cottage and big industries were established. Above all the sense of Sindhi nationalism was taking firm roots.

But God does not guarantee His gifts to the complacent Quarreling over a local issue; we the Hindus and the Muslims invited the Leviathan of All India politics and communalism and were unwittingly caught in its net gargen. No doubt the Hindus got the share of punishment for such stupidity and to leave their native land. But much worse was in store for the Muslims of Sindh who never knew that our coreligionists who replaced Hindus would behave like the victors and treat us like the vanquished. Their hunger and thirst for greed and gain would not be satisfied even after depriving us of our own national wealth. To obliterate historic, geographical boundaries of Sindh, these vested interests machinated and manipulated to merge Sindh into greater Punjab contemptuously called the One-Unit. These maligrants wanted to expropriate Sindhis from their rich resources, erase the ancient traditions by giving alien names to roads, hospitals educational institutions, market places, ports and barrages and also by imposing a fugitive language as the national language. To actualize their motives, they dispatched the spirit of independence into exile, put democracy in the wheel, breaking cabinets and constitutions.

(iv) The separate existence of the four provinces in West Pakistan was an eyesore for the Punjabi Muhajir vested interests. They did not want the respective provinces to work for the welfare of their own people. To protect and perpetuate their interests they had to depend on hatcheries. So they did, in the name of unity and integrity, an alien language Urdu was imposed upon Sindh. Urdu became an enemy of vehicles of oppression and exploitation against Sindh.

(vii) In the West Pakistan, there were several princely States. Bahawalpur State alone comprised of 17602 Sq. Miles which was attached with Punjab and immediately colonized by sending lords of Punjabis which is more painful even offensive is that to realize these sinister designs, Islam, socialism and democracy were exploited.

In fact there is nothing wrong with these three. On the contrary if properly applied they could have served the people better. They only wan Led to put them into the service of the vested interests. Since the intentions were not sincere therefore the results were a foregone conclusion. Instead of bringing about unity and integrity, these selfish motives gave rise to suspicion enmity and hatred. The country in general and Sindh in particular suffered immensely. The ruling clique after doing an irreparable loss to the whole Country, had to dismantle one-unit. It would be appropriate to narrate the causes of its failure:

(1) The most important question is that whether the people of West Pakistan could he classified as making one nation? If religion alone could have been the sole factor, then there would not be scores of Muslim and Christian States in our world. In fact there are many factors that go to make a nation and these factors stand the test of time and pass through a long and arduous parth of history. The Pashtoons the Balochies, the Siraikis the Punjabis and the Sindhis had their own long, separate and independent Status. The differences in languages and cultures, customs and traditions, economics and politics, geography and history were as apparent as they were real. The density of population and the demand on resources, the climate and topography, the occupation and professions were additional factors that gave separate and typical identities to these areas and territories. In short their sociology and psychology were at Varian with ore-another.

The Pashtoons and the Baluchis because of the paucity of resources and uncertainty of life were aggressive and militant. The Punjabis because of their over population wanted to grab more and more. Sindhi with its plenty of resources could easily support its population and was at peace with itself and its surroundings.

Even the supposed unifying bond i.e. religion was only hypothetical because the peoples of these areas did not only owe their spiritual allegiances to different religions but practiced many theologies and theories and believes in cults and creeds as well. In the course of history various measures were taken to reduce the religious differences between various peoples. Among those the following methods are worth-mentioning:

(a) That area, during the Mughal Empire's period from administrative point of view, was divided in three zones. Though in their practical administration there were many hindrances. One zone in the Mughal period, from Multan right up to Sindh's seaport, was kept under one administration. The second zone covered the area from Lahore right up to Peshawar. The third zone covered the area from district of Dera Ghazi Khan and whole of Baluchistan. But at the end of the Mughal era, the zonal frontiers were again altered. Multan was separated from Sindh and annexed with Punjab. Kalhoras and Dawood-Potas governed the Sindh, and Bahawalpur. And the third part namely Baluchistan because of the tribal system and influence went under Afghans. Lasbella State continued its connections with Sindh.

History teaches us that West Pakistan had never been one country or one nation.

(b) The area covered by West Pakistan contained followers of three distinct religions. As always, the power and property mongers created many differences to disrupt the unity of the faiths. But there was no dearth of the soul-searching saints who tried to retain the homogeneity. Among the many Khawaja Farid, Guru Nanik, Shah Bahu, Baba Bulla Shah, Shah Inayat, Shah Latif, Sachal Sarmast, Shah Nasir, Rohal Fakir, Sami and Dilpat were the stalwarts of peace and tolerance. Akbar the great wanted to bring Hindus, Muslims and followers of other religions near to each other and Dara Shikoh son of Shah Jehan followed this policy. But Aurangzeb on account of the influence of Ghulam Mohammed Sarhandi, believed in the supposed superiority of Muslim religion, which gave rise to hatred between the Hindus and Muslims. Aurangzeb spent his whole power in conquering the various territories, murdered his brothers and adopted a policy of bigotry creating not only ill will against Islam and Muslims but hatred and enmity. So after the death of Aurangzeb, Marhattas and Sikhs started their uprisings and captured power in many parts. So much so that even Delhi came under the control of Marhattas, who looted the greater part of Delhi. On the other side Sikhs nearly captured the whole Punjab right up to Peshawar and brought the influence of Mohammed Hashim Thatvi. The Kalhora rulers of Sindh also adopted a policy of fanaticism but after the overthrow of Kalhoras by Talpurs, this policy did not last long and the fanaticism subsided because of the influence of the teachings of Sindhi Sufis and Saints.

After that Britishers conquered Sindh and ran the government on the basis of secularism. But as they had conquered Sindh from Muslim rulers, so in accordance with their policy of divide and rule, they patronized Hindus in Sindh in trade, education and services. On the other side in Punjab the Britishers encouraged rivalry between Muslims and Sikhs for patronage and power. In 1857 first attempt was made in Delhi to dislodge the Britishers in which many Muslims and Hindus took part jointly. The Britishers in order to break the power of Muslim freedom fighters, with the help of certain United province Muslim officials, propped up men like Sir Syed Ahmed Khan to support pro-British policy. At that time the Muslims were divided into two groups. One group under the patronage of Britishers was called Ah Garb School of thought, who for the sake of safeguarding Muslim vested interests formed Muslim League Organization. That group for the sake of political and economic interests started supporting Britishers. The second group was called Dayoband School of thought who continued opposition to British rule. When congress started movement for freedom of country, these Devbandies joined their hands with Congress in their struggle for freedom of the country. Khilafat Committee, Jamiat Ulema Hind, Ahrari Jamiat were in the favor of united India. On the other side Jinnah, Dr. Lqbal following in the footsteps of Aligarh school of thought, on the basis of Muslims being a separate nation, worked for the division of India. Ultimately the sub-continent was divided and Hindus and Sikhs from the side of Pakistan Migrated to Bharat and from the Indian side bigoted Muslims migrated to Pakistan side to colonize it. In the days of Jinnah and Liaquat Ali the Muhajirs attempted to control the Pakistan government. On account of Liaquat Ali's prejudicial policies, Pakistan's original residents revolted against him. Punjabis and the leadership killed him and government passed on into the hands of Punjabis. The majority of population was of Bengalis and the State-power was vested with Punjabis. The struggle for power between Bengalis and Punjabis ensued. In order to perpetuate their stronghold upon political, Punjab came out with a bucketful of fabrications and fictions. On one hand they deprived the Bengalis of their democratic right of majority in the name of parity between the two separate parts of Pakistan and other in the name of West Pakistan and One-Unit, they merged the other three nations of Sindh, Baluch, and Frontier into greater Punjab. Islam, Muslim nationhood, unity etc. were summoned to serve the designs of diabolism. But because history of the above mentioned three nations and the fact of majority of the Bengalis were the undesirable truths that stood in their way, they had to resort to force and fear, fraud and conceit autocracy and arbitrariness. The mean and baneful methods adopted gave rise to hostility and hatred against Punjab. The purported perversions boomeranged. The separation of Bengal and complete failure and subsequent disintegration gave a powerful commentary on this psychopath of Pakistan, the Punjab and its base-born twins parity and One-Unit.

 
2. THE ISSUE OF DISTRIBUTION OF WATER OF INDUS RIVER AND ITS TRIBUTARIES.
 

The international convention and law allow reparian right over the waters of the rivers to all these countries which they pass. Indus River and its tributaries Chenab, Jehlum, Ravi, Satlaj and Biyas originate in the present Bharat territory, through Pakistan's area and fall into the Sea.
 

 (A) In 1901, the government of India appointed an India Irrigation Commission to see to it that Punjab does not take water from these rivers without the prior permission of Sindh, Sindh then was a part of Bombay presidency.

(B) This arrangement was reaffirmed in the Government of India Act, 1919 whereby no provincial government could draw waters from any river without the prior permission of the Central Government of India.

(C) The question of distribution of Indus River waters and its tributaries was very old. But the strong differences arose only in 1919. On account of that the Bombay government and Punjab government were at loggerheads. The details of this dispute can be had from the correspondence of second June, 1927 addressed by the government of Sindh to the Secretary of State for India. Some extracts from this correspondence are being given below to facilitate the reader to understand the background of this dispute.

(D) Indian Cotton Committee report was published in 1919. The members of that committee had great interest in the cotton cultivation of Sindh, as it served the interests the Manchester of Bombay and Manchester of Bombay textile mill owners. In that report it was specially mentioned that Punjab government should undertake no new project, till the construction of Sukkur barrage had not been completed and Sindh's water requirements had been met.

(E) In August 1919 Bombay government, with which Sindh government was attached, wrote to Indian government that whatever the projects prepared by Punjab government will naturally affect the water quantum passing from Indus river. Therefore, the Bombay government should be given the list of projects intended by Punjab Government.

(F) In September, 1919 Punjab government prepared a scheme for constructing Thul project and wrote to Indian government asking them that the project should be given preference over Sukkur barrage. According to that scheme Punjab agriculturists were to be provided irrigation water for 17 lakhs acres.

(G) Lord Chelmsford, the then Governor General of India rejected the request for that project, because on account of that project, inferior type of land was to be irrigated and more over they were expecting the sanction of Sukkur and Satlaj valley projects from the Secretary of State for India. According to the Governor General these two projects were more preferable, profitable than to the Thal area.

(H) A few months later, Punjab government submitted to government of India the amended Thul project. Before starting the Satlaj valley project, they asked for the Thul and Havaily projects to be sanctioned. The government of India did not give the required sanction. On the contrary it told the Punjab government to send necessary survey record and other data collected so as to assess its adverse effects on the Sukkur barrage. So that they should know that those schemes may not affect adversely the Sukkur barrage.

(I) In April, 1923, the Secretary of State finally sanctioned the scheme of Sukkur Barrage. The Punjab government took objection and wanted to know the reasons for such preference. The duties fixed for the water by Bombay government for Sukkur barrage were also objected to. But the Bombay government replied, that Punjab had already taken water from Indus and its tributaries and all canals in Punjab were perennial whereas in Sindh, not a single project had been started. On that occasion the Bombay government objected to the construction of Thal Project also, because, they said that on account of its construction, Sindh's agriculture will be greatly affected.

(J) Government of India, on the objection of Bombay and Punjab governments, considered the question de novo of fixation of duties of water on Sukkur barrage. Since the time of last sanction had reached, the announcement of Government of India on 21st August, 1923, announced its decision and said that Sindhi had every right to construct Sukkur barrage and other barrages. Therefore it was necessary to give a guarantee to Sindhi about that. The announcement further laid down that the duties fixed for the irrigation of Sukkur barrage had been fixed after thorough consideration, because in Sindh there was less rainfall and little underground water. Government of India also categorically informed the government of Punjab that this question should not be re-opened again. In that announcement it was also mentioned that in future Sindh and Punjab projects will not be undertaken without the other party's information and concept.

(K) After that decision for 15 months, there seems to be no controversy and quarrels between Punjab government and Sindh government.

(L) Punjab government again in November, 1924 in order to establish their right over Indus river water and its tributaries started the question of Thall Project. As on experiment, they proposed for the construction of a small canal which would take only 750 Cusics of water. Under the advice of the Indian Government Bombay government was considering its option, when the Punjab Government immediately changed their proposal in September, 1925 and renewed their proposal for full sanction of the That project and informed the central government that they were going a head with their original plan. In the next month, the Indian Government sanctioned the small Thall project, according to which 8,80,000 acres were to be irrigated and in the winter season, they were allocated 2,085 Cusics of water from Indus river. That quarrel continued, when in February, 1926, Lord Readding, the then Governor General of India on the basis of equity decided in favor of Bombay Government's stand and gave the following decision:
 

i) So long Sukkur Barrage's scheme is not completed and doesn't start running in future and as long as the complete information about total and permanent requirement of Sindh are not ascertained, water for that Scheme can not and shall not be sanctioned.
ii) Whereas Satlaj valley canals, water requirements were not known, the Bombay government had the right to object on obtaining more water by Punjab. So long, it was not proved that on account of that there was possibility of scarcity of water for Sukkur barrage, the allocation of more water to Punjab was out of question.
iii) The question of new allocation would be taken up after Sir Thomas Lords has given his report about the quantum of the water of Indus river and tributaries by December, 1929.

In 1935 Sukkur barrage and Satlaj valley projects were completed and started irrigating the lands. In the meantime quarrels started between Bekanir, Bahawalpur and Punjab over riverian waters. Khairpur State also demanded more water for its Rabi crop and Punjab for Havelian project. For settling this dispute, the government of India appointed, Inderson Commission which consisted of representatives of all the provinces and princely states, so that the request of various parties be kept in view. The Inderson Committee on 19th September, 1936 sent the unanimous recommendations, which were accepted by the government of India and presented the limits of distribution of water for various projects. Though the committed did not suggest any terms about Thall project, the Punjab government was able to get from the Committee more water for Thall project.

 
THE HISTORICAL RAO COMMISSION'S APPOINTMENT.

 
The Punjab government was from time to time preparing more schemes and dams for acquiring Indus water from the rivers. Therefore Sindh government was compelled to request the government of India through Bombay government in 1939 which, according to Indian Act, 1935 forwarded this representation to Governor General in 1941 and demanded that till the final decision is made the Punjab government be asked not to prepare any more schemes. On this representation the Governor General on 11th September, in 1941 appointed a Commission under the Chairman-ship of Mr. B.N. Rai, Judge of the Calcutta High Court. Rao Commission decided that the Punjab government's proposed projects or future projects, will be harmful in the month of September to the interests of Sindh's agriculture and it was likely that Sindh was to suffer from these projects. The Commission also gave a decision that in order to settle this question, it was necessary that two new barrages should be constructed in Sindh, one in upper Sindh and one in lower Sindh. The Commission also stated that for the construction of these two barrages, money will be required, therefore as compensation, the Punjab Government should give two crores of rupees as aid to Sindh government. The Commission also decided the quantum of water required for these barrages. In the light of the recommendations of the Rao Commission, the Government of India appointed Mr. Grant and Rai Bahadur Khosla to give final shape to the recommendations in the form of agreement. The two gentlemen after the hard work of eighteen months drafted an agreement and sent it to the government. Both parties signed the agreement on 18th September. The government of Punjab accepted the terms of agreement officially on 13th October same year with a request to reduce the amount of aid to Sindh. The government of India gave sanction to the above agreement. While the negotiations for reduction in the compensation were going on the British rule ended partitioning India into independent countries of Bharat and Pakistan. Sindh became a part of the latter.
 

INTRODUCTION.

The word Sindh means the country of the Indus or "SINDHU", which derives its name from Sanskrit, Sindhu meaning river, Greek Sinthos, Latin Sindus, Aryan Sindh mean the same thing. Geologically Sindhi is the creation of the alluvium brought down by the river Indus.

The first man-made developed from the natural creeks of the Indus, many years ago. These Inundation Canals depended upon the seasonal rise of the river water level. By the middle of 19th Century there were more than 100 such canals irrigating about 15 lakhs acres of land. By the turn of 19th Century the Inundation Canal system improved steadily and these canals commanded an area of nearly 20 lakhs acres. Almost the entire population of this province used to be engaged in cultivation and practically no other profession. In the beginning of 20th Century the construction of Barrages in the Punjab started, which diminished precariously the flows in the Indus and the entire system of Inundation canals in Sindh was in jeopardy. These canals reached the peak of development, after the construction of flood protection Bunds, which prior to 1869 were constructed and protected by local landowners but thereafter because the concern of the Government. These Bunds had reduced the hazard of uncontrolled flooding and the situation had greatly improved. But with increasing withdrawals of water in the Punjab after construction of the Barrages it had started to delay the spring rise and hasten the drop in water level in autumn in the Indus.

HISTORY

The project of Sukkur Barrage was conceived after multidimensional considerations and studies and after the report of London Committee, which was received by the Government of Bombay, in March 1914. Mr. (Late/Sir) Musto was put on special duty to take up the revision of Sukkur Barrage project and the project report was prepared and completed in 1919, and the project as it stands today, is known as Sukkur Barrage. The project was sanctioned by the secretary of State for India in April, 1923. The Construction of the barrage started in 1923, and it was declared open on 13th January, 1932.

It was recognized that the project was the largest single irrigation scheme ii' the world. It brought within its command some eight million acres. The new irrigation system? contemplated in the project represents an increase in annual cultivation of three and a half million acres.

PRIOR REVIEWS OF THE PROJECT.

The present project is based on the work of Baker and Lane. In January, 1918 they were placed on special duty to investigate the areas and propose water supplies for the new canals. The report was adopted as the basis for preparing the project The requirements of the Sukkur project have been reviewed more than once.

The actual drawing up of the 1919-20 project was under the supervision of Mr. A.A. Musto (who was later knighted for building the Barrage). The basic water allowances were not changed but some revisions in the canals were made Constructions started on July 1, 1923, immediately after the project was finally sanctioned.

Even before the work had started Punjab had sought to reduce the proposed supplies so as to release water for the Thall project. In August, 1923, the Government of India wrote as follows:

THE SUKKUR BARRAGE AND CANALS PROJECT HAD BEEN DESIGNED FOR THE BENEFIT OF A COUNTRY THAT IS FULLY ENTITLED TO THE WATER WHICH IT IS PROPOSED TO ALLOT TO IT AND ITS SUPPLIES MUST OBVIOUSLY BE ASSURED BY ANY PROJECT WHICH MAY SUBSEQUENTLY BE PUT FORWARD, WHETHER BY GOVERNMENT OF THE PUNJAB OR BOMBAY, BEFORE SUCH PROJECT CAN BE ACCEPTED*.
 

The Government of India in 1926 in the following language reaffirmed the position:

GOVERNMENT (OF THE PUNJAB) APPEAR TO THINK THAT NO FURTHER EXTENSION OF IRRIGATION IN THE PUNJAB CAN BE CONTEMPLATED UNTIL THE SUKKUR BARRAGE SCHEME HAS BEEN IN OPERATION FOR SOMETIME. ALL THAT WAS MEANT WAS THAT THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA ARE NOT PREPARED TO ACCEPT ARGUMENTS IN FAVOR OF FURTHER IRRIGATION SCHEMES BASED ON THE VIEW THAT THE VOLUME OF WATER ALLOWED FOR THE SUKKUR BARRAGE IS GREATER THAN WILL ACTUALLY BE REQUIRED.
 

Again in 1927, the Secretary of State for India refused to reopen the question of the duties of the Sukkur Barrage Canals.

In 1935, a Committee of the Central Board of Irrigation, known generally as the Anderson Committee was set up to examine certain specific items on the distribution of the water of the Indus and its tributaries. The Committee consisted of two independent members, both engineers appointed by the Government of India and representatives of all the provinces and States interested in the Indus water. On the unanimous recommendation of this Committee, the Government of India in March, 1937 allocated to the Sukkur Barrage Canals certain additional supplies beyond those that had been sanctioned in 1923 by the Secretary of State for India.

In 1941, the allocation for the Sukkur Barrage Canals were again taken up, this time before the Indus (Rao) Commission. The Punjab asserted that the mean monthly withdrawals should be less than the sanctioned figures, and contended that the allocations should be so construed as to represent a limit not to be exceeded on any day. On this point the Commission answered: Paragraph 157. Finding on second-Issue-Our answer to this issue therefore is as follows:

"THE AUTHORIZED MONTHLY WITHDRAWALS OF THE SUKKUR BARRAGE CANALS ARE MEAN MONTHLY WITHDRAWALS IN THE SENSE THAT THE CANALS MAY, SO FAR AS THEIR CARRYING CAPACITY PERMITS, DRAW MORE THAN THE SANCTIONED FIGURES ON ONE DAY AND LESS ON ANOTHER, SO LONG AS THE TOTAL WITHDRAWALS FOR EACH MONTH WHEN

REDUCED TO CUSICS DOES NOT EXCEED THE SANCTIONED FIGURE...."
 

The Commission concluded with respect to allocation for the Sukkur Barrage canals that "there can hardly be any question of an appropriation of this kind exceeding the equitable share of the province".

In laying down the basis of an agreement to carry out the recommendations of the Rao Commission, Mr. A.N. Khosla, who then represented the Punjab, agreed that "Existing Canals shall have complete priority over any of the scheduled projects specified before the Indus Commission", and "No storage shall be done or direct withdrawal made by the new Punjab canals from the River in periods in which, with due allowance for time lag, supplies in the river are likely to be insufficient to meet the prescriptive requirements of the Sukkur Barrage Canals ......"

In the Sindh-Punjab Agreement of 1945, the allocation of the Sukkur Barrage Canals as increased by the Government of India pursuant to the recommendations of the Anderson Committee were confirmed. A further supply of 2,000 Cusics was allowed during the period from June 1, to October 15 for Sailab (flood) areas in Khairpur and Sindh. The Sukkur Barrage allocation therefore, as originally sanctioned in 1923 and as reaffirmed and increased by the order of the Government of India in 1937, and by the Sindh-Punjab Agreement of 1945, are as follows

MONTH MEAN ALLOCATION IN CUSICS ALLOCATION IN AGREEMENT

The agreement is reproduced below:

AGREEMENT BETWEEN THE PUNJAB AND SINDH REGARDING THE SHARING OF THE WATERS OF THE INDUS AND FIVE PUNJAB RIVERS.

1. SCOPE OF THE AGREEMENT:-

 This agreement refers to the sharing of Indus between the Punjab and Sindh. The Punjab share comprises the withdrawals controlled by the Punjab from the Indus and its tributaries for the use of the province of Punjab and certain Indian States. The share of the Punjab under priority V detailed below shall also include the share of the North-West Frontier. Sindh's share under the Priorities, I, III, IV and V, as detailed below, comprises withdrawals for the use of the province of Sindh and Khairpur, its share under priority II ( as detailed below) is, however, for British Sindh canals only.

2. GRADING OF PRIORITIES:

 To give effect to this agreement, five grades of priorities are recognized:-

(1) Existing withdrawals on

(a) Punjab (Punjab rivers) (First Priority on Punjab rivers).
(b) Indus (First priority on Indus main and the next priority on Punjab rivers).
(ii) Primary, i.e. prescriptive supplies, for projected canals specified in clause II.
(iii) Secondary additional supplies for projected canals.
(iv) Storage water and other subsequent allocations.
(v) Balance supplies.

(2) Except as otherwise provided, allocation under a higher priority will have precedence over those under all lower priorities.

 
PRIORITY I ( EXISTING WITHDRAWALS)
 

(1) Period (1st April to 30th September, except as otherwise provided).
 

(A) Punjnad (Five Punjab rivers).

(i) This priority comprises:

(3) Sirhind Canal.

(ii) These withdrawals will have the first claim on the waters of the Punjab Rivers and no claim on the waters of the Indus, subject to the limitation that such withdrawals shall not on any day exceed those given in the table 1(a) unless, with due allowance for time lag, water is sufficient for the requirements of priorities I-B, II and specified below:

(B) INDUS

(A) Punjnad (Five Punjab rivers)

(3) Sirhind Canal.

(i) This priority comprises the Rabi supplies allotted to,

(4) Thal Canal upto its authorizations.

(5) That Canal, in addition, upto its capacity (60000 Cs).

(ii) The mean monthly allocation for (1) to (4) above are given in Table 1(c). If Indus supplies plus Punjab supplies surplus to priority I-A are below the allocation of these canals, after meeting the allocation for (1) and (2) above (vide Table 1(c) the balance supplies will be shared in the proportion given in Table 1(d), which is based on an assumed lag of 15 days. Provided that in the period 17/2 to 8/3 (Sukkur dates) the Sukkur Canals will have priority on Indus water upto their capacity of 34,000 Cusics.

(iv) When the Indus supplies plus Punjnad supplies surplus to priority I-A are in excess of the allocation of Sukkur Barrage and Thal as specified in Table I(C)i the canals, mentioned under (i) (1) and (i) (2) above may draw supplies as laid down in table 1(e). Thereafter the Thai canal may draw on balance supplies upto its capacity of 6000 Cusics, after which the Sukkur Barrage Canals may draw upto their Rabi capacity (34,000 Cusics) subject to the provide under (V) below.

The Punjab and Sindh Inundation Canals, when brought under weir control may then draw upto their authorized perennial capacities.

(v) The Sukkur Barrage Canals have priority on Punjnad water surplus to priority I-A until their allocation in Table 1(c) are met. Thereafter Haveli and Punjnad may lake water upto their capacities as given in Table 1(f) after which the Sukkur Barrage canals may withdraw upto their Rabi capacity (34,000 Cusics), as in (iv) above.

 (vi) The water accounts during the Rabi shall be maintained and balanced in ten-day periods as well as in calendar months.

(1) The total withdrawals for the Punjab and Sindh under the priority are detailed in table 11(a). They comprise:

(a) Ravi water set free by the Haveli project, less supplies utilized in Pakpattan Link.
(b) Prescriptive rights for Gray canals to be utilized on Bhakra Canals.
(c) Prescriptive rights Inundation canals merged in the new Sindh Barrages.
(d) Prescriptive rights of the Punjab Indus Inundation canals, when brought under weir control.

(2) Withdrawals for projected canals by either party may be made only when water is surplus to the actual requirements of the Punjab and the allocations of Sindh under priority I-A and I-B.

(3) When water is short of the requirements of priority Ii, the balance supply left after meeting the requirements of the Punjab and the allocations of Sindh for priority I in full, shall be divided between the Punjab and Sindh in the ratio of their prescriptive rights, with due allowance for time lag i.e.

  1) The mean monthly, withdrawals under this head are detailed in Table 111(b) being the difference between the total allocations (( vide Table 111(a)))) and the primary supplies of the Punjab and Sindh projected canals (( vide Table II (a) ). They comprise:

Punjab's share = P1 Plus n ~-P1-SA).

(4) Whenever water is short of the total authorizations of the three Sindh Barrages, the withdrawals of the Ballokt Sulemanki Link or its accepted variant (e.g. Marhu Tunnel) will be limited to Punjab's unused share for the projected canals under Priority III or to a daily maximum withdrawal as specified in Table 111(d), Column 2, whichever is less.

(5) The provision of this clause shall be subject to the conditions laid down in sub-clause (6) of clause 6.

6. PRIORITY IV. (STORAGE WATER AND OTHER SUBSEQUENT ALLOCATIONS)

(1) The provisions of sub-clause 2 to 5 (inclusive shall have

effect subject to the conditions laid down in sub-clause 6.

(2) After the indents of the two new Sindh Barrages and the

Sukkur Barrage upto their allocation have been met, the

Punjab shall be entitled to withdraw the allocations detailed

in Table IV (a) for use by flow comprising:
 

(a) 2nd allocations for the Thal Canal.
(b) 2nd additional allocations through the Balokt Suleimanki Link or its accepted variant (e.g. Marhu Tunnel) subject to the proviso of sub-clause (3) below.
(c) 2nd allocations to Punjab existing canals on the Punjnad.

4) In the months of July and August, however, the link or its accepted variant may transfer water under this priority subject to the proviso of clause 5 (4), upto a limit of 1 9300 Cusics for supplementing the Punjab canals or for the generation of hydroelectric power, in which case water will flow down the Sutlej instead of the Chenab.

(5) After the start intends of the two new Sindh Barrages and the Sukkur Barrage Canals, upto their allocation have been met, the Punjab shall be at liberty to store at the storages specified in clause II upto the limits of their respective capacities have shown therein. Such storage water may be subsequently released and used at will. Storage water so used will not count against allocations of how water under any priority.

(6) Withdrawals by the Punjab for their projects specified in Clauses II and 12 (c), falling under Priorities III ad IV, shall be subject to the following condition:-
 

(a) No withdrawals shall be made for any such project before 1954 or before the completion of both the new Sindh Barrages whichever is earlier, except as provided in sub-clause (d) below
(b) In the years 1954 to 1957, withdrawal may be made for;

i) the Punjab projected canals as specified under priority III.
(ii) storage at Bhakra except in the period 1st to 30th September, and
(iii) storage at Dhiangarh and the other small storage in July and August only (Sukkur dates with respect to (i) and (ii)).
 

(d) Punjab may construct at any time the Bist Doab Canal scheme and its linked storage dams on the Soan and Sirsa torrents provided that the combined live storage capacity at these two darns does not exceed 5,00,000 acre-feet and provided that no water shall be stored in these reservoirs nor direct withdrawals made into the canal from the river, in the months other than July and August (Sukkur dates) if as a result of such withdrawals the supplies to the Sindh Inundation canals or the new Sindh Barrage canals are likely to fall below the prescriptive supplies as laid down in Table 11(a).

7. PRIORITY V. ( BALANCE SUPPLIES).
 

(1) Until the expiry of the period specified in Clause 12, either party will have the right to use water surplus to priorities I to IV in any canal or storage reservoir upto the limit of its capacity, but such use will not confer any prescriptive rights in respect of any additional withdrawal taken under the sub-Clause. Such additional withdrawals may be made only with the previous consent of the other party. This consent will be give as early as practicable, and may only be refused by the other party if in its opinion the additional withdrawal is likely to injure its interests.

(2) After the expiry of the period specified in Clause 12 the balance supplies including water used under sub-Clause (1), will become the property of the parties in the proportions laid down in Table V (a) and either party may thereafter frame and carry out projects for the use of such waters with the con sent of the other party. The second party will have the right to object to the constructions of such projects only if it can show that the projects infringe its rights under this agreement.

(3) For the purpose of sharing under this clause:

(I) The balance supply in Indus at Ghazighat shall be obtained by deducting from the measured discharge at Ghazighat, the equivalent at Ghazighat, after allowing for losses or gains of:

(a) the existing rights between Ghazighat and Mithankot (( Vide Table V (b), Col. 2)).

(b) The authorized withdrawals for Sukkur Barrage Canals and the new Sindh Barrages and the existing rights of the Middle Sindh Inundation canals and Middle Sindh and Khairpur Sailab area (( Vide Table V (c)) and ( (c) the authorized withdrawals of Thal (( Vide Table V (b)) minus the actual withdrawals. 75 percent of this balance supply shall be taken as Sindh's share of the Indus at Ghazighat and transferred to Guddu.

(ii) The balance supply from the five Punjab rivers at Punjnad shall be obtained by deducting from the measured discharges at Punjnad (Below), -
 

(a) the existing rights of the Punjab canals (( as specified in column 4, Table V (b) minus the actual withdrawals at the time; and

8. RIGHTS OF INUNDATION CANALS.

(I) Inundation canals have the right to take whatever river levels permit. The existing authorized capacities of the Inundation canals shall not be increased to take increased supplies until such time as they come under weir-control. No water will be specially released in order to ensure any water levels required for them.

(2) Whenever any Inundation canals are brought under weir control they will be given supplies as under:

(a) during Kharif under Priority II:

(I) (a) The share supplies specified under priorities I to IV, shall be given at the off-takes of the canals mentioned therein or their accepted variants.

 
Either party may use the water to which it has a right in any of canals at will subject to the limit of existing or agreed capacities a subject further to following provisos

(a) Allotments to the Punjab for its canals under priorities I to IV on the Punjab shall not be met from the Indus.
(b) In periods when supplies under priori Lies II and III are not sufficient for the Sindh projected canals, the Punjab shall not transfer supplies allotted for its existing canals under priority I to its projected canals or their accepted variants, but when water is surplus to the full requirements of the three Sindh Barrages, supplies allotted for the Punjab existing canals may be transferred to its projected canals provided that during the periods of years specified in clause 12 the previous consent of Sindh will be obtained.

(c) Any transfer of supplies between projected canal inters, in the Punjab, shall be restricted to periods of shortage on the Sutlej-cum-Beas and the limited,

11. PROJECTED CANALS AND STARCHES.

(1) The construction of the following works is agreed to:-

 1. SINDH. (a)

 
(a) A Barrage across the Indus in Upper Sindh with canals of 40,000 Cusics capacity.

(b) A Barrage across the Indus in Lower Sindhi with canals of 47,000 Cusics capacity.

1. Canals from Sukkur Barrage of capacity of 2000 Cusics for Sailab areas.

(f) An increase of Kharif capacity of Thai canal to 10,000 Cusics.

(g) The Bist Doab canal with a capacity of l200 Cusics and storage on the Sirsa and Seen Torrents of an aggregate capacity of 500,000-acre feet.

(h) An increase of capacity of the Sutlej Val Icy canals of 1800 Cusics for Sailab areas of Bahawalpur and Punjab.
(2) Either party may with the consent of the other party substitute a substantially equivalent variant or variants for any one or more of these works. The second party shall have the right to withhold such consent only if they can show that the variant or variants proposed will throw a greater burden on the river supplies than the replaced project or projects. Provided that the Punjab shall not construct more than two major storage dams (indulging the Bhakra), each having a capacity of 500,000 acre feet.

(3) In the event of disagreement under sub-clause (2) the matter in dispute shall be referred to arbitration as provided under clause 17.

 
12. FUTURE PROJECTS.

(1) No new works other than those specified in clause 11 or modification of old works designed with the object of increasing river withdrawals will be constructed by either party without the consent of the other party until after the expiry of 10 years from the date of completion of the two new Sindh Barrages, or 20 years from the dale of agreement whichever is earlier that:

 
13. SINDH NON-PERENNIAL CANALS.

 The non-perennial canals of the Sukkur Barrage and the two proposed new Sindh Barrages may be opened in the first fortnight of April and may remain open from 16th to 31st October if water is surplus to the requirements of the Punjab and Haveli canals as specified in Paras 25.26 and 34 (b) of the Anderson Committee report (1935), Vol. I provided that Sindh should establish no prescriptive rights in respect of these additional withdrawals. Nothing in the above shall adversely affect the existing rights of the Sutlej Valley canals in this respect.

14. SHARING OF FLOFFI RlGHTS AND FRESHETS.

(I) Irrespective of whether allocations under Priority I are met or not, the Punjab shall be entitled to store water in the Bijakra Reservoir in the months of November, February, March and April whenever the combined discharges of the Sutlej and Bias Rivers is less than 19000 Cusics and in the months of December and January whenever the combined discharges of the rivers is less than 17,000 Cusics. For the purpose of this clause the Sutlej discharge shall he the storage at Bakra plus the discharge at Rupar (above) and that of the Bias shall be at Mandi Plain.

(2) When the Punjab constructs other storage reservoirs, the question of giving similar storage rights will be considered and the Punjab will be given such rights as are compatible with no injury to Sindh.

(3) The Punjab and Sindh shall have the right during the period 1st January to 31st March (Punjab dates) to store use by flow in any of their canals half the freshest water as measured at the point of off-takes of these withdrawals, Freshet water is defined as all water in excess of Sindh and Punjab withdrawals under priority I (A and B).

(4) The Punjab shall have the right to diurnal storage at any time when this is necessitated by variations within the twenty four hours in the electrical load, but the total volume of water discharged from a reservoir within every period of twenty four hours shall not be less than that entering the reservoir except when this is inconsistent with the day to day storage permissible under this agreement.

(5) In the event of disagreement under sub-clause (2) supra, the matter in dispute shall be referred to arbitration as provided under clause 17.

15. ALLOCATION NOT TO BE REVISED.

Allocation made under this agreement shall not be revised or prejudicially affected without the consent of both the parties.

16. RlVER DATE, ETC.,

(1) Accurate measurements of river discharges shall be made jointly by Sindh and Punjab, at all discharge sites, in the Punjab and Sindh, with upto date equipment (including launches) and by the most modern method known at the time. For this purpose one or more observers of Sindh shall be permitted by the Punjab to be stationed at each Punjab site, in the hills or in the plains, as selected by Sindh, and one or more observers of Punjab shall be permitted by Sindh to be stationed at Sindh discharge sites, as selected by the Punjab. Such observers shall take original and check measurements, either jointly or individually as may be considered necessary, and when duly signed by the parties shall be considered to be correct.

(2) Gauges and discharges data of rivers canals and storages should be made available to both the parties at agreed intervals in the quickest practicable manner.

(3) Whenever time lags have been provided in this agreement on assumed figures, these figures will be liable to modification in the light of experience , gained, subject to agreement of both the parties.

(4) Whenever figures of percentage for losses and gains are required for the operation of the Agreement such figures shall be determined in the light of experience gained, subject to agreement of both the parties.

(5) In the event of a dispute as to the scope or operation of this clause, the matter in dispute shall be referred to arbitration as provided under clause 17.
 
 

17. Any other dispute for which arbitration has been provided under clause 7 (4), 11(2), 14(2) and 16 shall be referred to an officer to be appointed by the Government of India who shall be acceptable to both parties and whose decision shall be final and binding on the parties.

18. Agreement on all these clauses is subject to a satisfactory of the financial issues on the lines of clause (Ill), (IV) of the 4 Khosla Memorandum of February, 1945, or by any other method acceptable to both parties.
Chief Engineer in Sindh Chief Engineer in Punjab
 

(Sd) J.L. Grant (Sd) E.L. Prothewe.

(Sd.) F.F. Haigh.

28th September, 1945 28th September, 1945

I have shown above that, after the division of India we came under the slavery of Muhajir Punjabi imperialist rulers, they first reduced the majority of Bengal and in West Pakistan established One-Unit and after that the following conditions happened:

1. After the establishment of One-Unit separate existence of Sindh was finished and the agreement between Sindh and Punjab on water problems was arbitrarily violated. Because the agreement was between two provincial Governments and now after the establishment of one Government, Sindh's right as a separate party was not recognized.

2. After abrogation of water agreement, Sindh suffered following losses:-
 
 

(A) By one sided decision, agreement's clauses 12 (a), 14, 2 and 15 were done away with and Punjab was allowed to collect water by the following dams,

According to which several thousand million acres feet of water was to be collected and utilized for Punjab's purposes.

(B) 25% water of Punjab's three rivers, Sutlej, Bias, and Ravi, was sold to Bharat Government for one thousand crores of rupees, in which foreign powers also paid some share. In view of the sold water of above mentioned rivers the above mentioned dams were constructed. The Indus river's water, on which Punjab had no right share.

(C) Against the agreement on Indus River, Taunsa Barrage was constructed.

(D) Indus River's water of 75% was fixed for Sindh. From it, new canals were constructed in Punjab about 25% more water was given to Punjab, without the consent of Sindh.

(E) According to agreement between both provinces the matter was to be decided by the Central Government, which was to perform the function of a third party, that was also taken away.

(F) The average rainfall in Punjab, every year is from 20 to 40 inches and in Sindh every year it is only form 4 to 12 inches on an average.

In Punjab underground water is sweet and estimated at 200 thousand million acres feet and in Sindh underground water is only 3 hundred million acres feet. Inspite of that more water of all rivers is given to Punjab. With the result that in Sindh there is less and less Irrigation.

(G) The result of which is that in the cultivation of both provinces, the difference became greater. In 1973-74 both provinces had cultivate land as below:

In Punjab the total cultivated land was 2,19,94800 acres. In Sindh the total cultivated land was 1,18,81000 acres.

Thus Sindh's cultivated area was 1,01,13,800 acres less. In that the cultivation under main crops was as under: In Punjab the total cotton cultivation was 33,82,000 Acres. The total area under Sugar cane in Punjab was 10,91,00. The total area under Wheat crop was 1,09,04,000. The production figures have already been mentioned. Therefore they will not be repeated again.

In Sindh the total cultivation under cotton Crop was 11,67,000 acres. Area under Sugarcane was 2,51,000 Acres, Wheat crop was 20,76,000 acres. The production figures arc not shown here because they have been already mentioned above.

(I) In the inundation time, the surplus water Indus goes to Sea. For the storage of that water, Sindh Agricultural Commission had suggested the construction of four dams. But after the establishment of One-Unit, all powers having gone to Lahore Government, nothing could be done in this respect.

(3) In Sindh the area under forests was very much less. Before the Sindh Agriculture Commission, the forest department in their presentation had shown the area under forests was only 2% which was less than most of the countries of the world. Even Saudi Arabia, which is mostly a desert country, has got more forest area than Sindh and for the increase of that area various schemes were prepared. But the completion of those schemes could not be done because the water of rivers was taken away by Punjab.