G. M. Syed
All Rights Reserved
to G. M. Syed Institute of Social Sciences
SINDH'S CONCEPT OF
The writer had actively participated in the movement for Pakistan, It was
done for the following reasons: -
We found ourselves thus compelled to organize and rouse the Muslim masses
on the basis of the communal platform of the Muslim league to confront
the Hindu vested interests. Immature and in-experienced in politics and
social works as we were, we prepared a religious-political program based
more on self-complacency and wishful thinking than on anything else, to
popularize among the masses, through the Muslim League Organization. The
first wall poster that was published carrying this program, under the signature
of the writer was as follows: -"THE MUSLIM LEAGUE DEMANDS PAKISTAN." "Pakistan
means Islami Raj, under which:
The first election for the Sindh Provincial Legislative Assembly were fought
on basis of separate electorates in 1935 Sir, Ghulam Hussain Hidayatullah,
a British stooge, though the leader of a minority group in the Assembly,
was made to form government by the ruling British Governor. He was however,
soon defeated on the floor of the Assembly, and the leader of the winning
majority, Mr. Allah Bukhish Soomro, a nationalist was called upon to form
the Ministry. The progressive group led by the writer, who supported Mr.
Allah Bukhish, and was handed over to him for implementation, drew up a
program for the progress, and development of the province. The Hindu vested
interests in Sindh came in the way and sabotaged all efforts to translate
the program into practice. The congress Assembly party, consisting mainly
of Hindu members elected by separate Hindu electorate could not prevent
this stalling of reforms by the Hindu vested interests. We left the coalition
and withdrew our support of the government, having been disappointed rather
rudely, in our hopes in the Indian National Congress as a modern Progressive
Party willing and able to serve the interests of the people of Sindh, the
overwhelming majority of whom were Muslims.
The Muslim masses in Sindh were generally under the control and influence
of Zamindars, officers, Pirs, Mullahs most of whom were self-seekers power
hunger unscrupulous, and rank reactionaries. Majority of the common people
were agriculturist, most of whom were landless Hans sunk in debts
and living in extreme poverty and suffering.
The Hindu vested interests comprised the merchant the moneylender, the
officer and the Zamindar. Similarly the Muslim vested interests comprised
the Zamindar, the Pir, the Mullah and the officer. Both of these powerful
groups of vested interests in Sindh were anti-people. But we could not
fight against the two simultaneously.
Seeing the group of the Hindu vested interests as less in number but
more organized and thorough in their exploitation of the people,
we decided first to mount our attack on them. We prepared two legislative
bills to bring immediate relief to the people of the rural areas, viz.,
the land Alienation Bill and the Debt Reconciliation Bill. The Congress
ministries in India had already taken steps in these directions. We therefore
expected that the Congressite Assembly members in Sindh would help us in
these proposals. The Sindh Congress Committees and its All-India High Command,
however, frustrated all our hopes and instead of helping us in the solution
of our local problems of economic and social good to the people, they always
preferred to settle their All-India political problems first.
The Sindhi Muslims believed, then, that with Pakistan establishment, Sindh,
shall be an independent and sovereign State as guaranteed by the 1943 resolution
of the Sindh Legislative Assembly and by the All-India Muslim League s
Lahore Resolution of 1940.
It was under these allurements that we were drawn towards Pakistan and
the Muslim league. Not being sufficiently farsighted politically, we could
not realize that the stalling of social economic reforms in Sindh by the
Hindu vested interests has not because of the Congress of the Sindh legislative
Assembly as such. They owed responsibility to the Hindu vested interests
because of the system of separate electorates under Which they were elected
by these interests, who voted them into these positions precisely to safe-guard
them. And it was the Muslim League itself, which was responsible for the
introduction of separate electorates in the country, for the purpose of
protecting the Muslim vested interests in the Muslim minority provinces.
The separate electorates in India, since they corresponded exactly to the
"divide and rule" policy of the British Imperialists, were imposed on the
people in the sub-continent by them by stage managing a demand through
their most reliable stooges and agents among Muslims aristocracy.
Government of the country will be established in accordance with God`s
commandments, as enunciated in the holy Qura'an.
All people will enjoy political, Social and economic equality.
The reins of power will be held by the righteous and pious Muslims.
The rights of non-Muslims will be strictly protected.
The first and fore-most duty of government will be to remove poverty, ignorance
and injustice from society, and to put a total stop to all class exploitation
of the people.
Adultery, drinking, and usury will be prohibited and abolished by law.
The criterion for social status and honor will not be power or wealth,
but merit and moral excellence- (Ghulam Murtaza, Chairman, Muslim League
It did not occur to us then that by organizing Musalmans on communal
basis, we were not at all serving the interest of the Muslim masses, but
on the contrary putting the same under grave jeopardy, since among their
exploiters, along with the Hindu vested interests there were equally, if
not more ravenous Muslim vested interests as well, conversely among the
exploited and oppressed millions, too, there were the Hindus as well as
the Muslims. It was therefore, better and more useful for the purpose of
the people from exploitation, to organize them on class basis, rather than
on communal ones devised by the Muslim vested interests and their imperialist
British masters for serving their own exploitative interests.
Thus, we aimed at attaining a sound objective, through unsound means.
We had involved the class struggle of the people in the rigmarole of Hindu
and Muslim interests, thereby providing cover for the vested interests
in both the communities instead of organizing their working masses against
their common enemy. We sought to organize the Muslim people, promising
them establishment of an ideal Islamic State. But because of our deficiency
in knowledge and experience, we could not realize that we were aiming at
attainment of said Islamic objective through an organization which was
led by representative of vested interests, who in their persons were themselves
drunkards, gamblers, corrupt, rank reactionary, and rapidly anti people.
The result of all this simpleminded and credulous approach to politics
was that, along with our own selves we landed our innocent and trusting
people too in the soup.
We labored under a mistaken belief that it was only the Congress High
Command, which assigned priority to All India questions over the local
problems. In due course, we however, learned, to our bitter regret, that
the Muslim League High Command were guilty of the same squint towards that
policy, to an ever more palpable degree.
The Congress workers did observe a medium of personal scruple. However,
the Muslim League leaders soon proved to be totally bereft of all principles
and moral checks in their preferences to all-India matters over the local
issues in our province. Ours was indeed the example of a dove that got
free the talons of hawk and fell into the lap of saintly humbug of a mendicant,
whom it found by experience to be a hundred times worse, than his first
We may recount in some details, here, even at the risk of some repetition.
How and to what limits have our hopes been belied in the establishment
of the Pakistan s sway over our lands.
In 1953, Sindh got a freshly elected Provincial Assembly. But, as
the leader of the House and its Chief Minister it could get none from among
its elected representatives. The ruling junta at the center picked up Pirzada
Abdul Sattar from the Central Assembly for the job, and thrusted him on
Sindh as its Chief Minister. On finding his position shaky Mr. Pirzada
secured permission from his patrons at the Center to expand his ministry
over one hundred percent. But six ministers or the thirteen ministers could
not after all ensure for him the lasting patronage of his masters. They
could only manage for him the Sindh Assembly members, which they successfully
did and Mr. Pirzada started having a comfortable, run of his administration
in the Province. No sooner had he consolidated his position thus, than
the ruling junta conceived their criminal one-Unit Plan and confronted
Mr. Pirzada with the most difficult choice of his life. As a price he had
to agree to the dissolution of Sindh as a Province. Mr. Pirzada made up
his mind and firmly stood his ground. The ruling Junta could brook no non-sense
on the issue. M. Khuhro, the iron man of Sindh, who seemed by now well
chastened, and was making sufficiently moving overtures for permission
to make a comeback, was offered the chance, and he readily agreed to perform
the task. He was not a member of the Sindh Assembly then. He was at the
time under a 6-year disqualification to participate in Politics. He was
yet made the Chief Minister of Sindh in place of Pirzada who was stalled,
the world knows how. Then, the matter lead of One-Unit was poured down
the threat of Sindh under Police bayonets. The writer was one of those
Assembly members and nationalist workers who were whisked into jail on
the eve of the operations.
We had expected that in terms of the Lahore-Resolution, the Sindhi, Balochi,
Punjabi, Pakhtoon and Bengali people will acquire independent and sovereign
status as nations but that did not happen. After establishment of Pakistan,
the overwhelmingly powerful Muhajir-Punjabi vested interests betrayed the
trust and, denying the very existence of the separate national entity of
each of these peoples, imposed a unitary form of government on them and
started ruling over the smaller and weaker ones among them as their colonies
and exploiting their, ruthlessly. If any one from among the victims made
any protest, he was condemned and remorselessly hunted as enemy of Islam
and of Pakistan, a parochial, a subversionist, and an enemy agent.
We had expected that after establishment of Pakistan, the Sindhi people,
the majority of whom were Muslims, will find freedom from exploitation
by the Sindhi Hindu vested interests. However, we instead fell in-to the
predatory claws of the non-Sindhi Muslim vested interests, from the Muslim
minority provinces of India, whose exploitation proved to be incalculably
worse than that of the Hindu capitalist.
The Sindhi people expected that theirs being a highly productive land,
all its formidable revenue collections will be spent fully on the reconstruction
and development of their homeland, which had suffered terribly under callous
neglect during the British Raj over the Indian sub-continent. However,
their hopes did not material use under the new dispersion. More than 80%
of the taxes raised in Sindh are now spent on serving the Muhajir-Punjabi
interests both in-side and outside Sindh.
The Sindhis hoped that in Pakistan, Sindh will see the days when in the
management of their internal affairs at least, the people of Sindh will
have freedom of decision and freedom of action. But experience proved that
even that did not come about. Ever since the creation of Pakistan, the
Muhajir-Punjabi Axis has ravaged Sindh s autonomy and has dispensed its
affairs arbitrarily and to their own advantage. The summary dismissal of
the first Government of Sindh under Pakistan, headed by Mr. Mohammed Ayoob
Khuhro, is the first case, in point. Mr. Khuhro s ministry retained the
backing of the majority vote of the Sindh Legislative Assembly right upto
the end. He was yet dismissed as the Chief Minister of Sindh, under the
ukase of the Central Government. In order to demoralize him and over-awe
the people of Sindh, they involved him in a criminal case under a trumped
up charge. Actually, Mr. Khuhro was proving himself difficult for the Muhajir-Punjabi
Axis in their haughty meddlesomeness in the autonomy of Sindh. He deserved
the block in their calculations for his following sins.
Inspite of all his sins , Khuhro had the majority support of members in
the Sindh Assembly behind him. As President of the Provincial League, he
had the party organization too under his control. Fulminating against his
pro-Sindh policy, the strongmen at the Center lured Pir Illahi Bux and
Mir Ghulam Ali into opposition against him, and with their feline collaboration,
they hatched their plans to bring about Khuhro s summary ouster from his
seats power both as Chief Minister of Sindh and also as President of the
Sindh Provincial Muslim League. They at last rounded up their exercise
by coming out with an ordinance called PRODA (Public Representative offices
disqualification Act) and made Khuhro the first victim of it. Pir Illahi
Bux whom they seated n his place, promptly handed over Karachi to them,
accepted imposition of Urdu in Sindhi medium schools and colleges and that
to further subservience towards these with readiness to agree to every
thing until hardly anything could remain with Sindh or the Sindhis.
He unflinchingly opposed Liaquat Ali Khan in the latter s deliberate and
cold-blooded plans to organize mob-violence against the urban Sindhi Hindu
population by inciting his immigrant bands from India, with a view to driving
out the Hindus from Sindh and settling then homesteads and places of work
the non-Sindhi, particularly the Urdu-speaking, Muhajirs from India.
Mr. Khuhro suppressed one such planned mob-riot in Karachi, with a heavy
hand and refused to let go scores of the immigrant government employees
and other Urdu-speaking Muhajirs, who were caught red-handed Killing the
Sindhi Hindus and looting their property in the riots. This was also the
direct cause for Mr. Liaquat Ali to initiate his diabolical attempt only
one week after those riots, at dismembering Sindh by separating Karachi
from it and take it ever as a centrally administered area, which, in effect,
meant implanting Muhajiristan in Sindh, under the Muhajir-Punjabi imperialist
conspiracy, the same way as Israel was implanted on the Arab homeland of
Palestine under a world imperialist conspiracy. Khuhro fought against this
criminal move for Muhajiristan in Sindh.
The Sindhi Musalmans mostly protected their compatriot Sindhi Hindus against
the deadly attacks of Muhajir goondas during the riots, wherever the same
occurred in Sindh. The Sindhi Hindus in face of organized mob-violence
against them under active incitement from the Center Government saw their
only safety in leaving Sindh enmasse. They left behind their agricultural
lands, their well-established trade and commerce, their shops full of merchandise,
their fine residential Buildings, their factories, valued at hundreds and
thousands of millions of rupees. The provincial Government headed by Khuhro
started settling the local indigenous Sindhi Muslim people on these lands
and in those houses etc. The Central Government under Liaquat Ali Khan
reacted angrily, and assuming total authority for the custody and disposal
of all evacuee property in Sindh, set out dispossessing the local Sindhis
Muslims of their allotments, disregarding in certain cases even the long
established occupancy and customary rights which ordinary law and usage
otherwise gave them. Khuhro and Liaquat Ali Khan bitterly clashed over
Pakistan consisted of five distinct lands and peoples each with a historically
established distinct language and culture of its own. The new ruling class
desired to impose on them Urdu which they brought with themselves from
Central India, and introduced its compulsory teaching in Schools and colleges
in Sindh too, where it was never taught before, even as a second language.
Khuhro firmly opposed this policy of the Muhajir-Punjabi clique, which
gave them one more reason for their anger against him.
The ruling clique desired to appoint Urdu-speaking Muhajirs to posts in
Government Service in Sindh, vacated by emigrant Sindhi Hindus. Khuhro
stood against this summary filling in of the vacancies with non-Sindhis.
He set out bringing in Sindhi Muslims instead to occupy the positions.
This resulted in a severe clash of policy and action between him and Liaquat
Ali Khan, the tutelary-working saint of Muhajirs in Pakistan.
In absence of a constitution, Pakistan s administration ran on the basis
of the British Parliament s Indian Independence Act, 1947, under which
Sindh, as a province enjoyed full autonomy. The new ruling class in Pakistan,
firmly entrenched in power at the Center and with the Muslim League Party
as their pliable tool, desired to nullify all autonomy of Sindh their persistent
interference totalitarian policy of rule pursued by the Muhajir-Punjabi
Axis in Sindh, and aroused their wrath against him.
Government of Sindh besides handing over their own office buildings and
state houses to the Central Government in Karachi, constructed a great
deal of further building accommodation for use by them on which they spent
crores of Rupees. On demand for being reimbursed the expenses, the Central
Government not only refused to oblige but also took pains to make it appear
that it had taken offence at this insolence of Khuhro s provincial government
to make such a demand.
Khuhro happened to be also the President of Sindh, Provincial Muslim League.
He stood for the independence rights of Sindh, and possessed considerable
independence of Spirit to stand up for his convictions in this regard,
and decided to do so, in face of the "strongmen" at the Center, who wanted
to gain control over the Provincial League to use it for their purposes,
through their handpicked yes men. Khuhro opposed their moves in this regard
and frustrated them repeatedly.
This then became a rule of the game with the Muhajir-Punjabi Axis in
Pakistan. No sooner had any provincial Government in Sindh manifested any
sign of independence then the Strong-men at the Center came down upon it
with the sword of dismissal and out it went and in some yet more subservient
set of stooges to pledge what yet remained of human dignity of the Sindhi
people with the new master class.
Government of Sindh, prior to Pakistan s coming into being, had prepared
ambitious plans for rural reconstruction in Sindh, aimed at building bigger
and better villages, so that firstly all isolated hutments and hamlets
and the nomadic population scattered all over Sindh could be collected
and brought within the ken of modern civilization, and secondly the rural
people, who formed the backbone of social, cultural and economic life in
Sindh could be provided with roads, with light, with schools and hospitals
and with sources for better economic and cultural standard of living, as
could befit a dignified and enlightened people in the modern world.
With the establishment of Pakistan, however all these wonderful plans
for up-turning the social and cultural soil of Sindh were shelved, and
vanished like a dream. There was no talk but that of settlement and rehabilitation
of refugees. Almost the entire cities and towns vacated by the fleeing
Sindhi Hindu urban population were handed over to refugees. In small towns
in the interior, they behaved like vandals, willfully digging up the floors,
bringing down the roofs, unhinging the doors, windows and almirahs, and
tearing out anything that was work a paisa, and sold everything
in the Bazaar outside; and with cash in their pockets, they veered round
again and again towards the few big cities in the Province.
Almost the same thing they did with the evacuee farmlands and gardens,
which were allotted to them in preference even to the tillers of the soil
who worked on them. New townships and posh colonies were built for them
around Karachi and Hyderabad on the lands in the Kotri Barrage command
area, and on the Makhi forests lands, a number of modern township were
raised for new settlers from the Punjab. The villages and hamlets of the
Sindhi people, which got interspersed among the new colonies and township
around the cities for the refugees or in the interior for the Punjab settlers,
were mostly razed to the ground and the human dwellers there in driven
away as one drives away packs of animals from forest clearings. Those of
such villages and hamlets that were temporarily spared because of considerations
of expediency could any time be seen, so long as they existed, as standing
witnesses to the states of second class citizenry to which the Sindhi people
were reduced in their own homeland in Pakistan.
The Sindhi Muslims in their over-whelming majority were agriculturists
and lived in the rural areas of their land. The few of them who were engaged
in trade could not prosper markedly for want of monetary facilities. No
sooner, they had seriously entered the field in competition to Hindu than
Pakistan came into being and the Hindus left. The Sindhi people saw the
opportunity facing them and stepped out to take it. The ruling Coterie
of Pakistan, the agents of Muhajir-Punjabi Vested Interests, however, chose
to decide otherwise. All evacuee shops, along with goods for sale therein
were allotted to the Muhajirs. All the factories too were similarly turned
over to them. All the banks set up and organized under government patronage,
quietly passed under the control of these people. All permits and licenses
for foreign trade and for raising new factories in Sindh were conferred
on them. Soon there emerged a monopoly-merchant capital as well as a monopoly-industrial
capital around us, exclusively conformed to the urbanized Muhajir vested
interests, with the Punjabi vested interests later joining them, and the
Sindhi people remained relegated to their rural Agriculturist life as before.
This Sindhi Hindu had stolen a march over the Sindhi Muslims in English
education at the beginning of British rule in Sindh, and had thereby gained
a superior almost a monopolist, foothold in the field of government service.
After Sindh gained its autonomy, and was separated from Bombay Presidency
in 1936, Sindhi Muslims, inspite of political handicaps, like very small
over-all composition of their Provincial Assembly and marked membership
for Hindus (as a vicarious burden for similar weightage for Muslims in
the Muslim minority Provinces), came forward dauntlessly to take advantage
of the increasing educational facilities and to over-come their handicaps
vis-a-vis their Hindu compatriots, and soon entered the field of government
service as serious candidates for sharing the privilege. The Hindus, however,
stood already entrenched in the field and the Muslims had mostly to wait
their turn for positions to emerge or fall vacant. The process was however
soon jolted into a commotion, if not a sudden halt, with the establishment
of Pakistan, Hindus begun leaving their posts in hundreds and thousands.
The Sindhis Muslims stepped forward to fill in the gap. To their chagrin,
however, the Muhajir-ruling clique of Pakistan, as a studied political
move, brought in hordes of Urdu-speaking service personnel from India and
moved them in to occupy the vacant positions, not only in the Central government
departments, as functioning in Sindh, but even more so, in almost all the
provincial sectors of service under Government of Sindh. Even the future
chances of the Sindhi youth to get into service in Sindh stood dimmed,
as almost all departments of government, in this mad, grab for service,
came to be headed by non-Sindhi officers, who took every care to see that,
except some lower grade minor parts, every other job went to their Urdu-speaking
favorites. There is a serious unemployment among the Sindhi youth stalking
the land today. The doors of Central Government service of all types, including
the armed services, have remained, more or less shut on them from the very
beginning. They have to struggle hard for getting an opening for a decent
job in their home province too.
In face of these conditions, if any body protests, he is accused of
(provincialism and is declared to be an enemy of Pakistan and is immediately
silenced. Many leading politicians in Sindh have been thus blackmailed
into keeping their mouth shut. The Sindhi people have to suffer and yet
not to complain. A part from their unemployment that ensues under this
one-sided flow of job opportunities passing them by and leaving them high
and dry, there is even more dangerous consequence inherent in the situation.
All reins of administration remaining in the hands of non-Sindhi Officers,
the Sindhi people have to remain dependent on them in almost all civil
affairs of life and suffer all consequences of the State of social and
political subordination that remains their lot when all executive authority
of government has to be welded by people, socially and culturally alien
to them and politically and economically their superiors. There can be
no worse state of total slavery for a people than this.
Lately Mr. Bhutto, a gentleman from Sindh, was installed into power
as President of Pakistan (now the Prime Minister). As a small price, which
his political masters most cynically extracted from him for the privilege
of being put up as their show-boy , was the summary dismissal of 1300 officers,
more than half of whom happened to be Sindhi officers.
At the time of British conquest of Sindh in 1843, the Sindhi Hindus, being
mostly traders, held not even an acre of agricultural land in their possession.
During the British Raj, however, they bought land, having piled
up monetary resources from trade, money-lending business and from State
employment. Thus, by 1947, the year of Pakistan s birth, they had brought
into their possession nearly two and a half million acres of agricultural
land. This land they had mostly secured from Sindhi Muslim farmers through
usurious operations. The indebtedness of peasantry in the days of British
rule in India had reached disastrous proportions, and in almost all provinces
debt reconciliation registrations had been sponsored and adopted by Provincial
government to lighten the Back-breaking burden of usurious debts of the
peasant masses. The then provincial Government of the Punjab had even adopted
a land Alienation Bill aimed at the return of such lands to the farmers
as had passed into the hands of usurious banias through un-relieved
mortgage or in straight payment of such debts. The Sindh, Provincial Legislative
Assembly had passed two similar bills, which awaited formal assent of the
Indian Viceroy in 1947, to go into effect as law. After the formation of
Pakistan, these bills came up for the required assent before Mr. Jinnah
as Governor General of Pakistan. On advice from Liaquat Ali Khan Mr. Jinnah
refused his assent to the two measures, under which most of the two and
a half million acres of the Hindu owned its original Sindhi would have
resumed agricultural land Muslim owners. Why was this formal consent to
the two most humanitarian and, for that matter pro-Muslim and anti-Hindu
Legislative measures refused by Jinnah and Liaquat Ali Khan? Because, they
had their diabolical designs of creating and reestablishing zamindaris
and talukdaris of the Nawabs from U.P.C.P. and Deccan in Sindh, by
handing over to them all these Hindu owned lands, declaring them as evacuee
land which they actually most shame-facially did shortly afterwards. There
was a mad Scramble for these lands among the Urdu-speaking Muhajirs from
India, and most of these vast tracts of rich and the most ferocious and
cunning sharks among them on the strength appropriated fertile lands generally
of totally false and bogus claims. Not an inch of these lands was given
to the Sindhi farmers, the landless peasants, some of whom even held at
the time independent legal claims on them, and which they had owned and
tilled for generations.
As a vote-catching promises, Mr. Bhutto had offered the Sindhi Hari
a grant of 16 acres of land each on his coming into power in Pakistan,
with the exception of the few, who saw through his deception the generality
of the people did vote him into power. Mr. Bhutto, on his part, however,
did not keep his promise. The Muhajir allotted of the evacuee lands
still remain masters of their loot, and the Punjabi army and civilian officers
who got hundreds of thousands of acres of the Barrage land and the Makhi
forest lands in Sindh as rewards for their services to the Muhajir-Punjabi
Raj in Pakistan, still retain what they got as their master share in the
loot. A systematic colonization of Sindh by the alien people, particularly
from the Punjab is now proceeding vigorously as the main part of the price
Mr. Bhutto has willingly undertaken to pay for permission to play the show-boy
to the Punjabi-Muhajir Alliance for giving a sort of facetiousness to their
empire in Pakistan.
Quite a sizable area of arable land lies barren in Sindh for want of irrigation
facilities. As measures for the development of Sindh s economy, Government
of Sindh built two barrages, the Kotri barrage and the Guddu barrage, at
the cost of over two hundred crores of rupees every single rupee having
been saved by government by economizing rigorously on their public funds.
The project of the two barrages visualized settlement and rehabilitation
of nearly 250 thousands families of the Sindhi landless Haris, on
the new lands to be brought under irrigation, that, however, did not happen.
On completion of the Kotri barrage, Sindh as a province ceased to exist,
and was swallowed in what euphemistically came to be called "One Unit".
The barrage was re-christened Ghulam Mohammed Barrage after the name of
the fanatic Punjabi Governor General of Pakistan, who, wishing to go down
in history as one of the empire builders of the Punjab, and conceived and
brought about, at the point of the gun, the diabolic scheme of one Unit,
resulting into abolition of the home-lands of the smaller nationals in
West Pakistan as separate province and absorption there of in the Punjab
under a single unified administration. About a year later, the facade of
democracy was fully torn as under and the whole country was impelled unceremoniously
under martial law. Armed thus with one Unit s fumigated Punjabi administration
directed straight from Lahore, and backed by the authority of Martial Law,
the pioneers of the Muhajir-Punjabi ruling junta in Sindh distributed with
great abandon almost all the that best land of the barrage among the retired
as well as the serving army and civilian Punjabi Officers. Nearly the entire
remaining barrage land was put to auction, so managed that major portion
of it too was acquired by the Punjabi bidders. Modern colonies and town
ships went up in the area where the Punjabi settlers established themselves
as privileged communities, conscious of their role to overawe and suppress
the inferior subject people who might otherwise attempt mischief and cause
trouble for the master nation ruling over them.
The indigenous communities, hard-pressed under organized harassment
of varied kinds often left their lands. No protest and no resistance against
the situation availed, in face of the government backing of the settlers.
The military government of West Pakistan, General Mohammed Moosa, himself
a recipient of land grant in Sindh, could not resist claiming credit in
his public speech at Nawabshah for having put Hyder-Bux Jatoi and G.M.
Sayed in jail for their crime of opposing the one-Unit and agitating against
land grants to non-Sindhis in Sindh.
The Sindhi people own a language, which is both original and living. Government
of Sindh starting with their life as an autonomous province under British
Raj in 1936 had their projects for developing Sindhi to serve the modern
needs of its people. They had set up a Board, known the Sindhi Adabi Board
for promotion of Sindhi literature with this end in view. We have already
referred above to the attempts made by the Muhajir-Punjabi Vested interests,
after the establishment of Pakistan, to supplant the language of the original
peoples and impose upon them Urdu, an imported language, as national language
of Pakistan. They chose the Sindhi Language as the main target of their
hostility-the reason for their selection of Sindhi in this behalf being
the comparatively higher level of development attained by this language
among all the peoples languages in West Pakistan. Immediately on the establishment
of one-Unit administration, they imposed a cut on the monetary grants usually
payable to the Sindhi Adabi Board. Non-Sindhi ex-officio members were thrust
on the managing body of the Board, and its funds were diverted to arbitrary
and irresponsible use, with the result that substantive project of the
Board such as the following, were either shelved or could not be successfully
As against the indifferent treatment of the, Sindhi language, the Anjuman-Taraquii-Urdu
was allotted palatial evacuees buildings, and a number of separately working
Board and academies for advancement of Urdu were set up with unlimited
funds put at their disposal to pursue their appointed tasks undeterred
and undisturbed for want of funds or needed State patronage. On the other
hand Sindhi language was also abolished by Karachi University as a language
for answering question papers of even as a subject for teaching. Sindhi
Primary schools in Karachi were closed and Urdu schools were started in
their places, thereby depriving the Sindhi speaking people of their basic
human right of educating their children through the medium of their mother
tongue and imposing upon them instead a foreign language as the school
medium. The Martial Law regime under a summary order stopped compulsory
teaching of Sindhi as a subject in Urdu medium schools in Sindh as a measure
to bring the Urdu-speaking immigrants nearer the Sindhi people. The compulsory
teaching of Urdu was however, continued in Sindhi medium schools as before.
Sindhi names of places, roads, and streets were replaced with tradition
non-Sindhi names, thereby pursuing attempts at effacement of culture of
the Sindhi people. Sindhi Language could get time hardly worth notice on
Radio or Television, and what little time was doled out to it was only
wasted and misapplied on cheap, and useless programs. The first rank Sindhi
artists, writers, and poets were deliberately kept away from the precincts
of the Radio and the TV By bringing forth only the third-raters in art
on these powerful mass-media of public entertainment, they only harmed
and mutilated the interests of Sindhi language art and culture instead
of sewing or building them to any degree or extent. The Sindhi people have
again and again to switch on to all-India Radio Stations and to Radio Sri-Lanka
to assuage their longing to listen to good program in their mother- tongue.
A Dictionary of the Sindhi Language, in 3 parts.
A History of Sindh, in 8 Volumes.
An Encyclopaedia in Sindhi.
Heritage of Sindh.
Sindhi translation of World Classics.
Plays and Dramas in Sindhi staging them and exhibition thereof in Films.
Sindh Folklore in forty volumes.
A Sindhi Dictionary of Technical Terms.
Manual of Sindhi Shorthand.
A Standard Key Board for the Sindhi typewriter. Etc. etc.
The Sindhis hoped that in accordance with democratic traditions and modern
political climate in the world, favoring democracy, Secularism, nationalism
and socialism, there would be freedom of expression for propagating views
in favor of these civilized concepts of politics in Pakistan too. The realities
in Pakistan however belied these hopes. The Muhajir-Punjabi Vested Interests,
grabbing all power and privilege in the Country, on the strength of an
incongruous and in consonant theory of nationhood based on nothing but
the self-semi particularism induced by a mis-anthropical religious obscurantism,
saw their safety only in zealously shutting out every non-conformist view
be it democratic, be it socialist, secularist, ethical or humanist. This
flinty bigotry of theirs however, did not reflect any genuine religious
Puritanism on their part, it only rafted their class position since it
protected their class interests. At the same time, lest they appeared primitives
they would most unabashedly claim credit for democracy, socialism even
secularism and for that matter any thing and every thing that received
approbation in outside world. Getting further hardened thus in self-complacent
virtuosity, they would bear down, with added frenzy on those who differ
from them in anything, down to the very last detail.
The hard, calculated persecution, and the relentlessness of it, to
which the Muhajir-Punjabi fascists and their storm troopers like Islamic
Jamaitias and others, have all along been subjecting the Sindhi nationalist
workers, could be understood only in the light of the above working of
mind of these self-involved robots, out to protect their ill-gotten self,
sanctified in their eyes by their very God to be theirs.
The nationalist politicians have been kept in prison for years on end.
Their periodicals and daily papers have been banned. There are books have
been proscribed. The Sindhi poets and writers have been persecuted, tortured,
and detained in Jails without trial.
All advocacy of nationalism has been declared illegal under black laws.
The printing houses have been so controlled that none of them could print
an article, magazine, or a book, which reflected opposition to the ruling
establishment. If any press anytime dared defy the government control it
would promptly be sealed and stand forfeited to government. The Judiciary
stood so over-awed that legal relief for a political worker could only
be desired but hardly obtained. The nationalist minded teachers in schools,
colleges, and the University of Sindh have been picked out and dismissed.
Students are beaten, deprived of their stipend, detained in their annual
examination, harassed & rusticated. Things have reached such limits
lately during Mr. Bhutto s rule, that even the guardians of the recalcitrant
students are rounded up beaten and hustled into Jails. Students are lured,
under temptations of all kinds of material benefits to turn from their
convictions. If they refused to recant or play renegade, they are intimidated
through goondas to keep quiet. If courts are moved for release detained
students on bail, the trying magistrates are advised not to grant the same.
And if, inspite of it, bail in a case is granted by an higher court, on
alternate charge is kept ready for hauling the victim in again In case
of certain students, as many as eight such over-lying cases have been observed
to have initiated by these guardians of law and order in Pakistan. Students
in jail have in certain cases been branded in certain cases; they have
been subjected criminal assaults through hardened jailbirds or the members
of the jail staff and even the policemen.
The ranks of students agents of Muhajir-Punjabi Vested Interests are
strengthened, by engaging or even introducing from outside, goondas
elements among students, from school to the University level. For winning
even a merit award of a stipend or scholarship, a student has to obtain
clearance from a student agent of the Ruling class, and the College Principal
or Vice Chancellor of the University forwards the students applications
for any such award, only after he produces the said clearance before him.
A, Muhajir Divisional Commissioner ordered a procession of Students
protesting against One-Unit and shouting slogans for the Sindhi language,
to be lathi-charged most brutally and the wounded students thrown into
the sticky pools of water around the site. Then over 300 of them were arrested
and sent to jail where they were further beaten and tortured. A complaint
was filed in a court of law on behalf of them suffering students against
the said Commissioner, but the complaint could not even be registered.
On assuming office, Mr. Bhutto had announced, as a ruse for immediate satisfaction
of the people of Sindh that his government at the site where this brutal
drama was enacted will raise a memorial tower, at the cost of a million
rupees. Cowed down under pressure of his Muhajir-Punjabi masters, Mr. Bhutto,
or his government never, however, mentioned his project of the memorial
again. Instead the foamy commissioner was promoted to a higher position
and sent away safe and happy to rest and enjoy as a reward for what flashy
bit of service he did for his masters in Sindh.
From the very start of the establishment of Pakistan, the real reins of
power happened to fall into the hands of the Civil Services and the Military
Junta as agents of the Muhajir-Punjabi Vested Interests. The Junta firmly
held the reins and pulling the strings as best or worst as they could make
the civilian government dance to their tune. They shuffled the Central
Cabinets of ministers as the same suited their imperious purposes as masters
of the show. Liaquat Ali Khan was put out of the way. Khuwaja Nazimuddin
was dismissed, Mohammed Ali Bogra was removed, and then one after another
Mohammed Ismail Chundrigar, Mohammed Ali Chaudhri, Hussain Shaheed Subrawardy,
Sir Feroze Khan Noon were sent stepping on to the stage and quitting the
next moment as peaceably as they came; all these frenetic changes outwardly
seen as results of palace intrigues within the ruling Junta, but actually
being the reflection of the deep malaise of irresoluble class cum-national
contradictions inside the body politics of Pakistan.
Thereafter Iskandar Mirza and General Ayub Khan, dissolving all assemblies,
Central as well as provincial, applied martial law to the country, and
formed their government for the first time directly and formally of the
Civilian-cum Army Officers Junta that till then, as bulwark of power of
the Muhajir-Punjabi Vested interests, had sat behind the back of the Civilian
governments, manipulating them in the interests of their masters. Some
twenty days later, Iskandar Mirza, as civilian part of the Junta, was thrown
over-board as useless ballast, and the military took over, all by itself
the management of the refractory affairs of the Muhajir-Punjabi Raj in
To begin with, all democratically elected bodies, and local-self governing
institutions like Legislative Assemblies, Municipalities and Local Boards
were superseded, and were replaced with nominated bodies. By loud and ceaseless
propaganda it was, announced to the world that the people in Pakistan were
not fit for democracy. Most of mature politicians were expelled from politics.
With powerful propaganda, General Mohammed Ayub Khan was presented before
the people as the great deliverer". Only the bureaucrats were considered
worthy of power and authority to run the country s administration. Each
one of them was made an absolute little dictator in his own area of jurisdiction.
Sindh, throughout the 10 years of Ayub dictatorship and the next following
2 years of Yahya s such countless puny dictators ruled clownish imitation
of it. And if it is remembered that almost all of these were non-Sindhis,
having hardly any love or attachment with the soil or the people they have;
they must have played with the interests of both can be better imagined
than described. The only good and civilized thing they seemed proud of
doing was to hold Urdu Mushairas and U stand Sam to Urdu poets.
Meanwhile, the controlled Press, with Urdu Press in the vanguard of the
band wagon, blew full blast paeans of praise and triumph to General Ayub,
who had turned now into a marshal for no Martial exploit except the Martial
Law that he had imposed on the Country.
The Muhajir-Punjabi ruling junta had not only made sport of government
at the center, but had treated -those in the provinces with ever-greater
non-challenge. In Sindh, they began with its first Chief Minister, Mohammed
Ayub Khuhro, when they arbitrarily dismissed when they found him a bit
recalcitrant. In came the conscience-less Pir Illahi Bux abjectly to do
their bidding, but unfortunately for him, he was found guilty of election
malpractice s by an Election Tribunal and was disqualified to hold membership
of the Assembly, and had therefore to quit his Gadi. In his place
Yousaf Haroon, who was not even a member of the Assembly, was brought in
and seated as -Chief Minister of Sindh. A few months later, they hunted
him off to Australia as ambassador, and called in Kazi Fazlullah to occupy
his place. Soon they found Kazi Sahib a bit assertive and hustled him out
without much of a ceremony. Meanwhile, Khuhro had begun showing a contrite
spirit, and so he was offered at second chance. But it seemed he had not
yet learnt his full lesson, and was making much of powers and rights. He
and a number of the cabinet ministers were therefore handed over to a judicial
tribunal under PARODA. Sindh s autonomy was suspended, and the provincial
administration was handed over t person wholly and solely theirs. That
was Shaikh Din Muhammad, a hard and fanatic Punjabi. He now became the
Governor of Sindh. Colonization of Sindh by Punjabi-Zamindars and peasantry,
under a long term plan with political over-tones to disturb the basic population
structure to the disadvantage of the Sindhi people was seriously taken
in hand during the Governor s Raj of this retired Punjabi-minded High Court
The sufferings of Sindh under One-Unit were too many and too acute to
be recounted with equanimity. The plan to decimate Sindh as a political
entity and permit its existence only as a district of the Punjab, seriously
conceived under Shaikh Din Muhammad the first Punjabi Governor of Sindh,
in 1952, was placed on the anvil in the shape of One-Unit. Sindh started
its sad career under one-unit with its 33 crore rupees national savings
whisked off into rat hole of the greater Punjab Coffers. All Sindh Government
furniture, including carpeting and tapestry, stationery and office equipment,
and the most valuable library of Sindh Legislative Assembly were carried
to Lahore. Almost the entire good agricultural land under the Sindh barrages
was snatched off from the out-stretched hands of the landless peasants
of Sindh and pushed into those of the Punjabi army and civilian officers
and other managed Chaudhries. Regular colonization officers were appointed
in every district in Sindh to settle Punjabis on lands in Sindh in a big
way. All Sindhis district officers were replaced with non Sindhis officers
in order to crush any and every sign of unrest against colonization in
particular and the one unit administration in general. The name of Sindh
and every thing else written in Sindhi script was effaced from all public
places, including railway stations, postal stamps, milestones, voters lists
forms and registers. The literary and cultural institutions like the Sindhi
Adabi Board, Shah Latif cultural Center, etc, were starved of funds. The
Sindh University and colleges in Sindh were put under non-Sindhi heads,
and non-Sindhi teachers, and the nationalist-minded Sindhi students were
harassed, beaten and jailed. Recruitment in service, town to the positions
of peons and chowkidars came to be almost reserved for non-Sindhis.
Import and export licenses and permits for setting up factories were generally
denied to Sindhis except for a few agents who, getting these permits and
licenses as price for their dirty work, only used the same for collecting
easy money on transfer thereof to highest bidders in the black market.
No argument or protest availed for any body and anywhere for recognition,
support or protection of Sindh or Sindhian interests in any field or department
How and to what limits have the rights and interests of the Sindhi people
been ignored crushed into dust in Pakistan can also be read in the memorandum
presented to Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, then President of Pakistan, by the Sindhi
students. The memorandum, among other things, carried the following observations
There are over one thousand firms owned by the Muhajir-Punjabi capitalists
in Sindh, in which more than a hundred thousands employees worked but out
of them there may hardly be a hundred employees who could be the Sindhis.
The students have further addressed Mr. Bhutto in their memorandum thus:
"You are aware, Sir, That every nation and every country possesses the
following three most valuable national assets, the preservation of which
they hold to be their national duty:
There are nearly 400 industries, in both the public and private sectors,
functioning in Sindh, in which over one million workers, skilled and unskilled
remained employed. Out of these one million workers hardly one percent
could be the Sindhis.
The leading private banks in Sindh, viz., Habib Bank: United Bank, Muslim
commercial Bank, etc. have nearly 400 branches in Sindh, in which over
10,000 persons are employed. Sindhis among them were hardly 2 percent.
In the branches of the two government banks in Sindh, the State Bank and
the National Bank of Pakistan, not even these 2% Sindhis are there.
These banks manned almost entirely by non-Sindhis offer credit facilities
mainly to non-Sindhi commercial and industrial interests, and hardly any
to the Sindhis. This results in continuing backwardness of the Sindhi Society
in the field of trade, commerce and industry.
The Central Government has spent nearly 50 crore rupees on providing
free houses to Muhajirs. Besides, huge amounts of money have been lent
to them, particularly in Karachi to build houses for themselves. No step
has however, been taken for similar settlement and rehabilitation of Sindhi
people. Almost one fourth of the indigenous people of Sindh lead nomadic
and semi-nomadic life, live in isolated hutment and in dirty villages.
Nothing has been done for the rehabilitation of these neglected people.
They re main deprived of good shelter, education medical care, pure drinking
water, roads and other modern amenities like electricity, gas, cinemas,
radio, etc. In Karachi itself there are the Lyari Quarters, Cumbharwada,
Khado, Oharibabad, the Chanesar Goth, the Bhutto Village and the original
settlement of Brohis, Makranis Gabols, Gadas, Burfats, and other tribes,
who continue living in the same old and dilapidated hutment and dirty environments.
On one hand nearly 3 million Sindhis lead a semi-nomadic existence in Sindh,
and in Karachi. 01£ the other hand, just next to such very similar
semi-nomadic people, are raised Posh colonies like Nazimabad Korangi, Liaquatabad,
Drigh colony, Saeedabad and such other modern resettlements at the cost
of crores of rupees. A few days back, the Chairman of the Karachi Development
Authority has announced in the press that Government has just sanctioned
eight crores rupees for the construction of houses for the incoming Biharis
from Bangla Desh".
"You are also aware, sir that when nations conquer other nations and make
them their slaves, they use the following methods too completely destroys
their victims: -
1. Political freedom.
2. Economic independence, and
3. National Culture.
The students go forward to simplify these points in their memorandum to
Mr. Bhutto as follows: The first question to settle is whether or not Sindh
is a separate country and the Sindhi people are a separate nation.
They keep them subduced by force.
They control their economic assets and appropriate the same to their own
They propagate among the subject people ideologies calculated to train
their minds into acceptance, and even approval of their state of subjection.
They sow seed of dissension among the subject people and make them fight
among themselves; select the timid and selfish from amongst them to serve
as their agents.
They suppress the language and culture of the subject people and in its
place impose their own language and culture on them".
"The fact cannot be denied that Sindh has assured the shape and status
of a country for thousands of years past, during which period it has held
a distinct political identity historical traditions, languages culture
and a specific community of economic interest. It was a free and independent
State on the eve of its conquest by the British Imperialists. It has throughout
its chequered history, striven to preserve and safeguard its liberty."
"It recovered its-freedom after the Greeks subdued it on fields of battle,
and governed itself for hundreds of years afterwards as a free country
and a free people. The Arab conquered it later in war of prolonged and
heroic fighting but it soon recovered its liberty and again saw its own
sons and daughters rule themselves for well high six hundred years under
the Samma and Soomra periods of its life. For a brief period of less than
200 years (1543-1738), it again lost its liberty, to Arghuns, Tarkhans
and the Mughals. But this period of its subjection was also the period
of its test and justification, for it was during this period that the Sindhi
people waged their most heroic struggle for freedom unremittingly and gave
no peace to their alien rulers, till they drove them out and recovered
their liberty and established their self rule under Kalhoras. This time
their independence lasted for a hundred years, till in 1843, the British
armies defeated the free and independent Talpur rulers at Miami, the most
severely contested battle of all the battles which the British fought during
their empire building campaigns in India.
"The British conquerors, for their administrative convenience, attached
Sindh with Bombay Presidency of India. The Sindhi people struggled against
this, and succeeded in bringing about its separation from Bombay, in 1936.
But they bad hardly taken a few steps towards reconstruction of their education,
health, agriculture, communications etc. why some eleven years later, it
was involved into the concretion of Indian Reforms and, in the name of
religion, was eddied into Pakistan and transplanted into it as its part.
"The Sindhi people had expected on the basis of Lahore resolution of
the All India Muslim League, that within the sphere of Pakistan, Sindh
shall be an independent and Sovereign State." But it did not happen.
"Sindh, under a systematic scheme, has suffered terribly in Pakistan.
It has been turned into- an unchanging minority under the hegemony of an
unchanging majority. In the name of Unity, solidarity and security of Pakistan,
its population ratio is being overturned. The distinct nationality of its
people is being denied and controverted for the sake of the Muhajir Punjabi
Vested Interests-. Its Language of the great past is being submerged under
an upstart of a stranger language. Its culture is being suppressed. Schemes
are afoot for bringing about its dismemberment.
"In the world of government services, the Sindhis find themselves almost
non-existent. In the Central services hardly two of them can be found in
five thousands. In the provincial services in their own homeland their
percentage is below forty. In the Central Secretariat there is hardly one
Sindhi in two thousands, in the Defense department, one in five thousands
in the Railway department one in a thousand in the Foreign Affairs department
hardly any with the exception of a couple of ambassadors, and in the Finance
department none at all. -State Bank of Pakistan has only 3 Sindhi Officers
among its 959 to date, and only 40 Sindhis among its three and half thousands
-lower staff members. National Bank of Pakistan can boast of 5 Sindhi officers
among its 1200 today, and some 150 among its five thousands lower staff.
The radio and Television have hardly one Sindhi in thousand. In the higher
educational institutions in Sindh, non-Sindhi teachers are in a talking
majority and under Karachi Municipal Corporation, out of some 13 senior
departmental heads, only two are Sindhis. The position under Hyderabad
Municipality is only slightly better. Among the ministerial lower staff
under these Municipal administrations, Sindhis are no more than 5 and 20%
respectively. On the break of One-Unit and restoration of Sindh as a Province,
the Sindh Secretariat started with 66 senior departmental heads, out of
whom only - 19 were the Sindhis. If the Sindhi people demand their rights
in service according to their population or talk of any social, political,
cultural and economic right they are blackmailed into silence by being
shown up in the frenzied Urdu Press as enemy agents, enemies of-Islam and
even enemies of Pakistan.
"There are non-Sindhi teachers in a big majority in the higher education
institutions in Sindh, and in most of the cases occupy directorial positions
there, from where they let no chance spare without injuring the interests
of the Sindhis students both in the class room teaching and in the examinations.
"The Sindhi students have to study Urdu as a compulsory subject from
class IV to class XII, while the Urdu students do not study Sindhi at all.
The result of this discriminative burden of studies has played havoc with
the life career of the Sindhi students, as in all school and school leaving
examinations and the entrance examinations for professional studies, the
Sindhi students have to complete with Urdu-students with an in-supportable
handicap under which the Sindhi students have to take test for 100 marks
in Urdu language which is not their mother tongue, while the Urdu students
have to take the test for the same 100 marks in their own mother tongue.
The children of the Sindhian parentage have suffered under this discrimination
in our educational institutions since 1955; the year of the imposition
of cursed one-unit on Sindh, and continues to remain its victims todate.
"A predatory people imposing their language and culture on another people,
whom they have subjected politically and economically, are seen to be engaged
in establishing their intellectual imperialism on these other people, The
Sindhis when they talked of Pakistan or were told what it would be, where
not then, nor are they now, prepared for such a subservience under any
cost. They on the contrary hoped and believed that with the passage of
time when feelings cooled down, and the Muhajir Punjabi started getting
absorbed in Sindhi society, some of the Sindhi Hindus who had left Sindh
under duress would start their backward trail to their motherland, with
the return of Engineers, doctors, professors, writers, scientists and of
those among them who were the devotees and scholars of Shah Enayat Sufi,
Makhdoom Bilawal, Shah Abdul Latif, Sachal Sarmast, Sami and other evolved
souls and divine humanists of Sindh. The flowering and fructification of
Sindhi life and its culture with its immortal message of love, Catholicism
and humanity will begin growing and spreading its felicitous influence
on the hate-ridden atmosphere in the sub-continent and the clashing tac-au-tac
of warrying ideologies and interests of the world. This was to be the contribution
of Sindh to human civilization towards the development of universal brotherhood
and world peace.
"Experience has taught us, however, that these new arrivals, being the
children of hatred, violence and greed, were neither willing nor ready
to join us in this mission of taming, the brute in man. For the sake of
serving their class interests that lay in (i) protection of loot they collected
and privilege they acquired in Pakistan, and (ii) preservation of their
exploitative position in society, they would go to any length to keep the
cauldron of ill will and hate boiling in the sub-continent, and would not
hesitate for attaining that end, to serve as agents of American Imperialism
and push the whole sub-continent under foreign slavery.
"Mr. Liaquat Ali Khan, the worst parochial Muhajir Leader, whom his
followers Lionized as Qaide-Millat i.e. the Director of Muslim Nation because
of his having lactated Sindh and thrown it at the feet of Muhajirs, was
guilty of the following atrocious behavior in the above context.
The Sindhi students also later presented a petition to the then Chief Minister
of Sindh, Mumtaz Ali Bhutto in which they discussed problems of their people
at some length. Relevant extracts from this petition may not be out of
place here After discussing the background of Pakistan in the context of
Sindh, the students referred to the then existing situation in the following
He diverted the people s attention from the real problems of poverty, reconstruction,
economic development literary and unity and goodwill among the peoples,
facing the country, and instead laid the foundations for policy of confrontation
with Bharat, for the purpose of establishing and consolidating political,
economic and cultural domination of Muhajir in Pakistan. The Muhajir-Punjabi
ruling circles in the country have since stuck to this policy confrontation
with Bharat, and are carrying it on stealthily even today, because it suits
the identical purposes of the Punjabi exploitative interests even more
He kept the Khokhrapar and the Karachi Sea Port the two points of entry
in Sindh borders open, for the ceaseless immigration of Muhajir from India
into Sindh, even though the Bengal, the Punjab and the N.W.F.P provincial
governments in Pakistan had closed their borders to such immigration within
He misguided Jinnah on the question of Karachi and arranged its separation
from Sindh, intending to make it a concentration point for Muhajirs, who
now are dreaming to convert it fully into a Muhajiristan.
When asked to pay compensation to Government of Sindh for its crores of
rupees worth properties taken over in Karachi by the Central Government,
which he himself had solemnly undertaken to pay on the floor of the Pakistan
Constituent Assembly, Liaquat Ali Khan with hardly any compunction, spurted
La-di-da what compensation! There is no compensation of a conquered territory!
Getting hurt at his loose references to Sindh and the Sindhi people, Sayed
Haji Ali Akbar Shah a venerable old man, the then President of Sindh Provincial
Muslim League led a deputation to Liaquat Ali Khan, and requested him to
exercise due restraint in his talk about these delicate matters, Liaquat
Ali Khan, whom power and pomp had probably turned too much into a puddle-headed
snapped at Shah Sahib: Truth is truth What is Sindhi Culture? Donkey driving
and Camel riding! What else! This could be the epitome of the mind of this
arch enemy of Sindh and Sindhi people, whom he thought he had conquered
and who therefore had only to make Farshi Salams to him and to every
Muhajir who had followed him to this land.
Liaquat Ali Khan did not confine his designs to Sindh for turning it into
a jagir for Muhajirs but simultaneously he cost his eyes on other areas
of Pakistan as, well. The other province that received his attention in
this respect was the East Bengal. He had already succeeded in creating
discord between Maulvi Fazl-ul-Haq, the popular old leader of Bengal, and
Mr. Jinnah. Mr. Jinnah had, by then acquired a great deal of power and
prestige under backing of the British authorities and publicity and propaganda
of clever Muslim politicians from the Muslim minority provinces. He had
otherwise undergone no suffering or sacrifice in the freedom Movement.
He hardly participated in it. As against Maulvi FazI-ul Haq, he had no
locus stand with the people of Bengal. He however succeeded in over throwing
the popular leader in his province, with the support of the English Governor
of Bengal and the communal sections of Bengali population. This happened
prior to the birth of Pakistan. An other nationalist political leader of
Bengal was Hussain Shaheed Suharwardy. He had also like Maulvi Fazle ul
Haq, enjoyed a great deal of popularity and backing among Bengalis. He
had been the Chief Minister of the United Bengal, but since he was a able
and powerful leader of a majority province in Pakistan, and could not relied
upon as a mere yes man of Mr. Jinnah, the clever Muhajir leadership brought
about a clash between the two leaders. He was denigrated, and in preference
to him Khuwaja Nazimuddin, a docile, sluggish and pliable gentleman was
made the first Chief Minister of East Bengal. Mr. Suharwardy was dismissed
even from his elected position as member of the Pakistan Constituent Assembly.
"Liaquat Ali Khan pursued the policy of settling Bihari Muhajir in East
Bengal in the place of Hindus who were to be driven away from their houses,
government positions and their business establishments, just as they were
in Sindh. Liaquat Ali Khan also mis-guided Mr. Jinnah to make an absurd
announcement that Urdu, a totally strange language to Bengalis in its vocabulary,
phonetic system, and even script, was to be the national language even
for them. This led to the rise of an angry popular Language Movement in
that province, which finally ended in the emergence of Bangla Desh as an
independent and sovereign state and its separation from Pakistan. "Liaquat
Ali Khan was elected to the Pakistan Constituent Assembly as a representative
from East Bengal. He replayed the Bengali People for their trust in him
in sowing dissension among them, and exposing them to the lacerating bloody
fangs of Muhajir-Punjabi imperialism. The main cause of the Bengali people
rising against Pakistan was the attitude and behavior of the parochial
and predatory Bihari Muhajir immigrants there under the lead and support
of their counterpart patrons in West Pakistan, viz. the Muhajir Punjabi
vested interests and their ruling clique initially led and set in the way
by Liaquat Ali Khan.
An other area for Liaquat Ali Khan s conspiratorial and intimidatory pro-Muhajir
politics was the Province of Punjab itself. The first Chief Minister of
the Pakistan part of the Punjab was Nawab Iftkhar Hussain Mamdot, a simple,
sincere and honest Muslim League worker. He was not a man of much brilliance
and ability. All his policy decisions and his entire administration were
shaped and run on initiative from the Punjab Civil Service. The Muhajir
Leadership under Liaquat Ali Khan did not feel easy at this. The Punjab
Civil Service, what-ever could be their other faults and detractions, were
patriotic Punjabis and defied all attempts on the part of the Muhajir ruling
and defied all attempts on the part of the Muhajir ruling clique, based
at the center under Liaquat Ali Khan, to spread the Muhajir tentacles in
Punjab. Liaquat Ali Khan countered this defiance of the Punjab Civil Service
by ousting Nawab Mamdot and installing Mian Mumtaz Mohammed Daulatana,
an able and autocratically minded politician, in his place, so that he
may cut the Civil Service into size.
"Mian Mumtaz Mohammed Daulatana was less of a Punjabi nationalist.
He was more of a self-seeking and self-satisfied individual. He could therefore
more easily be handled by the adroit manipulations of the clever Muhajir
leadership and could even serve as their agent, if his ambition for power
could be placated skillfully. He was not much of a stickler for principles,
and loyalty to persons was none of his strong points. His appointment as
Chief Minister of the Punjab by Liaquat All Khan was therefore received
in important circles of the Punjab vested interests with open resentment.
The other step that Liaquat Ali Khan was contemplating to take in order
to slip the wings of the Punjab Civil Service was to remove the apple of
their eye. Mr. Ghulam Mohammed, Finance Minister of Pakistan who, because
of his ability and strong pro-Punjabi leanings was proving to be a thorn
in the flesh of the Muhajir vested interests. Mr. Ghulam Mohammed had his
powerful friends like Mian Qurban Ali Khan, Mushtaque Ahmed Gormani, Khan
Najaf Khan and others. The Punjabi ruling circles, finding no other way
to shake off the stranglehold of Liaquat Ail Khan and his Muhajir clique
over the state machinery, got him eliminated physically, thereby freeing
the peoples of Pakistan from the quarrelsome arrogance of this man, and
earning their thanks for it.
Liaquat Ali Khan maneuvered the two leading nationalists in Pakistan, namely
the Bengalis and the Punjabis into an irreconcilable conflict by egging
on one against the other. The Bengalis he tickled at their numerical strength,
having an over-all majority and entitled, therefore to rule Pakistan in
accordance with universally accepted principles of democracy, while the
Punjabis he excited at their superiority in the military and the Civil
services, over-all ability to rule, and their economic advancement, and
entitled, therefore, to rule Pakistan on the basis of merit. The Clashes
and controversies that the incompatibility of the two positions raised
in the country resulted into delay in the adoption of a constitution for
the country. In the melee that ensued, Liaquat Ali Khan and his Muhajir
ruling clique got an opportunity to spread their tentacles all around and
consolidate their positions in every sphere of life in Pakistan as an indispensable
third factor, out only to wish the two sides well and help them arrive
at a balance.
Liaquat Ali Khan, finding the nationalist government of Dr. Khan Sahib
in the N.W.F.P. not ready to play to his tune, dismissed it inspite of
its majority support in the provincial Assembly, and thrust on the people
Khan Abdul Qayoom Khan as the Chief Minister of the province, who started
crushing with heavy hand the patriotic peoples movement of the Pakhtoon
nation. This man originally was a member of the Khudai-Khidmatgar Movement
led by Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan. It was great patriotic movement for freedom
from British Imperialism, and had suffered a great deal in its heroic struggle
for national liberation. Khan Qayoom Khan turned traitor to the movement
in the midst of its course. To compensate his scheme and to establish his
loyalty with the masters, he committed untold atrocities on the workers
of the movement. Liaquat Ali Khan in his pursuit of the policy of divide
and rule , picked out in every case the worst and the most degraded men
in the national life of the peoples as his tools. He thus corrupted the
entire politics of Pakistan beyond redemption.
The all India Muslim League had repeatedly adopted resolutions since 1930
for introduction of democratic reforms in Baluchistan in part with other
provinces in India. On the League s assumption of power in Pakistan, Liaquat
Ali Khan not only did not grant any such reforms to Baluchistan, but also
rounded up its entire political leadership and hustled them into jails
simply because they were nationalistically minded and wanted to live life
of an independent and self-respect mg people.
Liaquat Ali Khan built up an atmosphere of greed intolerance, hate, and
villaining in the country, all the time aiming at establishment and consolidation
of dictatorship of the Muhajir Elite in Pakistan. He tried to hold the
country at a safe distance from the contagion of democracy, secularism,
nationalism, and socialism. Any one who indicated any serious trend for
progressivism was a Bharati agent a provincialist an atheist, an enemy
of Pakistan, and a subversions, and was punished accordingly. Pakistan
as a jagir of the Muhajir Elite had to be kept protected against all such
anti-Islam and anti Pakistan stuff, in order to safeguard it from danger,
which surrounded it, the danger of Bharat, the danger of communism, the
danger of parochialism etc.
Liaquat Ali Khan had an unrestrained and loose tongue. He called Khan Abdul
Ghaffar Khan and his associates agents of India and traitors to Pakistan
, little realizing that by giving vent to his laxity of mind, he left a
permanent scar on the hearts of the Pakhtoon people which he thus wounded
by insulting their most loyal and revered leader and his courageous and
self-sacrificing band of followers. In the same way he called the most
popular nationalist leader of the Bengalis, Hussain Shaheed Suharwardy
a kept spy of Hindustan and dog . The other equally popular and widely
respected leader of the Bengali people. Maulana Fazl-ul-Haq he called a
purchased slave of the Hindus . Similarly he called G.M. Sayed and Shaikh
Abdul Majid Sindhi, the most devoted and selfless servants of the Sindhi
people. "The paid agents of the Hindus and traitors to the nation . He
put Khan Abdul Samad Khan and Shahzada Abdul Karim and other nationalist
leaders of Baluchistan in jail for no other reason except only the one
namely their crime to stand up for the lasting good of their homeland and
to raise a bold and defiant voice for it.
Liaquat Ali Khan so encouraged and incited the Muhajir population in Sindh
that they started believing themselves to be the conquerors of Sindh and
acting so pompously and so over-bearingly that they soon lost all sympathy
with the Sindhi people, which had been lavished on them on their first
arrival in Sindh as people who had fled their homes and sought shelter
in Sindh against persecution and terror. The Sindhi people now saw them
as their enemies out to exploit them and even to supplant them. They appeared
to them to be only a band of dissimulating moneygrubbers out to hate, despoil,
blurt and brag about.
Liaquat Ali Khan patronized and pampered bureaucracy beyond measure, which
till his times mainly consisted of the Urdu-speaking Muhajir-Officers caste.
The bureaucracy under him felt so emboldened that they soon started interfering
in the politics of the country.
He despoiled democracy in Pakistan almost spitefully, and laid ground for
Fascism to take root and grow. To have feel of Fuehrer he arranged
for a huge crowd of his Muhajir followers to arrive in a big banner carrying
procession at his official residence in Karachi and himself came out at
the window of one of its balconies and, like a gimmick of a Hitler or Mussolini,
raised his arm in a mailed fist, and declared that to be the symbol of
Pakistan politics. Taking it as a cue processions of people were organized
in several other cities of Pakistan, who went through roads and streets
with their fore arm raised up in the form of a Mukka, (fist mailed).
Thus politics in Pakistan was lent fascistic overtones from almost its
very start by none others than its founding leadership.
"We realize, Sir, that it is for the first time after the establishment
6f Pakistan, that today we have a democratically formed government in the
country, which has been given to us by the Pakistan Peoples Party, and
whose President, fortunately happens to be Sindhi. "We also realize that
Peoples Party over whelming consists of representatives from the Punjab,
among whom there are fanatic and imperialistically inclined Punjabi5 like
J.A. Rahim Miraj Mohammed Khan and Kausar Niazi for whom Sindh and Sindhi
to say the least are just the red Raj to the Bull. "We do realize, too,
that majority of the people of Punjab are today be devilled with the Muhajir
ideology of hate and communalism. "We also know that the peoples Party,
inspite of claiming formal belief in non-communal and progressive principles,
permits itself, for the sake of continuance in power, to feign equally
strongly their faith in the Muhajir inspired ideology of Muslim nationhood.
"We are also aware of the fact that although the Ruling Party commands
majority in the Central Assembly, its government, realizing that the real
power is yet wielded by the army and civilians officers, have to carry
out the latter s desires fully and unquestionably. "We know that the President
of Pakistan and his colleagues, both inside the Government and outside
in the party, while trumpeting their faith in Islamic Constitution. Islamic
Raj and the ideology of Pakistan yet insist on keeping up a show of outward
belief in democracy and socialism, simply, because they well known that
democracy and socialism cannot any way will attained without nationalism
and secularism. "You know, Sir, that in what remains of Pakistan today,
there exist four languages i.e. Sindhi, Punjabi Pakhtoons and Balochi since
ages past. You also know that among these four languages of the Pakistani
peoples, Sindhi happens to be the richest and the most highly, developed
language at the moment, and for that reason a right to be made the sole
national language of Pakistan. Not withstanding this awareness, your Party,
merely for fear of displeasing the Punjabi public opinion in order to placate
the turgid communalism of the speaking Muhajirs, decided to make Urdu,
a foreign language, the sole national language of Pakistan, by exposed
Sindhi language even in its own homeland to the danger of being reduced
to the status of mere vernacular. This is proved by the very fact of our
own government in Sindh under your good-self shying at making Sindhi language
the official language even of Sindh. "You very well know that majority
of the conscious I well informed persons among the Sindhis were not satisfied
with the language Bill in the shape it was moved your government in the
Sindh Legislative Assembly, but realizing your limitations and difficulties
in the matter, the people of Sindh kept quiet at it.
"Out of 62 members of the Sindh Assembly, 51 member voted for that bill
and the Assembly passed it an Act in the form of a national achievement.
"You also know that the Urdu speaking Muhajir members the Assembly opposed
the bill vigorously, and immediately after its passage through the Assembly,
they brought about and even led, language riots in Karachi and in other
big cities, in which the Sindhi houses and shops were burnt looted, and
Sindhis were killed and publicly humiliated. Most graceless slogans written
on the walls against the President Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, against you yourself
and the Governor of Sindh Mir Rasool Bux Talpur. Their graves were build
and openly disgraced their effigies were burnt. Their names tied to the
collars of dogs, and these dogs paraded on the roads most indecent slogans
written, cartoons were and posters were stuck on the walls in the cities
against the wife and daughter of the President. All these things were said
and done involving the President of Pakistan, the Chief Minister and the
governor of Sindh and Others of your party and the Sindhi people as a whole,
only because they were Sindhis. There was a strong reaction among the Sindhi
people against all these deliberate acts of provocation by organized bands
of Muhajir hoodlums, who could have been taught a lesson in return by the
Sindhi people throughout Sindh, but for the protection afforded to them
by the peoples Party Workers under orders from the President. It was however
expected that your sense of national honor will be stirred and the guilty
rascals will be suitably punished.
"We were, however, amazed to see that on 8th July, 1972, a few persons
were called from Sindh to Rawalpindi by the President to study and discuss
the language bill as adopted by the Sindh Legislative Assembly. Among those
called for the purpose were included also those Muhajirs leaders, who had
organized and led those riots. All these persons were called to Rawalpindi
on, government expenses, We do not know what were the pressing reasons
that made the President take that undemocratic step, which was tantamount
to interference in the Constitutionally guaranteed sphere of powers and
authority of the Provincial Assembly. But what has since come to light
in this behalf is rather disturbing and portends much harder times and
conditions for whatever little provincial autonomy Sindh is otherwise to
enjoy under the constitution. It is said that the Muhajir leadership, by
their powerful propaganda and other means of pressurization, so affected
the Punjabi Ruling Circle through Jamait Islami and the P.D.P. that they
were about to stage- a revolt against the Bhutto regime, which absolutely
unnerved the President, and he at once decided to accept all the terms
and conditions of the Sindh Muhajirs and, in the words of Rais Amrohvi,
one of those who master-minded of the language riots and who was among
those invited to Rawalpindi to assuage the issue the President wanted to
please and win the Muhajirs over by supplications and prayer promising
their amendment of the language bill, through Ordinance, as defused by
"You, on your part here in Sindh, however, kept up the deception by
announcing that the Bill was not to be touched and had to remain as it
was originally adopted by the Sindh Legislature, the rights of Sindhis
shall not be whittled down and the language problem in Sindh stood amicably
"If you don t mind, we may however plainly tell you that there can be
no bigger hypocrisy and deception than this. In case you are not ready
to listen to the view or sentiments of Sindhis except through the method
of mob violence as the Muhajirs adopt with you, that could then lead to
an entirely different situation. However, you can not now deny the consequences
and implications of the Ordinance, which your government has promulgated
for amicably solving the language problem in Sindh.
Firstly, in face of this interference of the president in the provincial
affairs, all provincial autonomy and all work of provincial Legislature
has been reduced to a farce. If a Legislative measure adopted by majority
of vote in a provincial Assembly can be reduced to a nullity with one stroke
of pen by the Central Government, And if the Central Government reacts
only as a pliable tool in the hands of the Muhajir Punjabi imperialist
interests, just as it did in .his case, what could be the way remaining
open to the patriotic Sindhis, for example, to exercise their right of
arranging their internal affairs as willed by them, except that they may
revolt against such an interference and seek their national right to exist
with honor and dignity as a totally free and independent people out-side
the arrangement, which exposes them to such a state of subjections and
Secondly, this interference from the Center in the affairs of the Province
amounted clearly to want of confidence in the Provincial Assembly and the
Provincial Government. Sindh Assembly and your government were therefore
honor bound to resign your positions instead of obeying such a ukase from
the Center as sheepishly as you did.
"Thirdly, this amicable settlement outside the constitutional framework
only proves that majority and its decisions are worth nothing in our way
of democracy. If certain influential and disorderly people are not
able to obtain what they want through democratic and constitutional
means, they can always create a situation of mob-terror, and through insurrection
to intimidate Power greedy bunch of rulers like you and force their hands
to grant them what they demand.
"Fourthly, in this entire sordid affair the Sindhi politicians have
been degraded and humiliated the most. They adopted what they believed
to be a fair and reasonable piece of Legislation by majority in their legislative
Assembly. Thereby a certain number of goondas and gangsters are
provoked who come out in the streets and catch their people unawares kill
them and burn and loot the hops and louses. These heroes of the, Assembly
Hall, who inside boasted of sacrificing their lives ten times over in defense
of their people, come out and a showered abuses and are openly disgraced.
And yet they at once accept the conditions of the goondas, arid
abjectly surrender before them. This only proves that the Sindhis have
a class of people consisting of persons of your lot, who are pacifist,
cowards and know no honor, and who can surrender human dignity of the Sindhi
people to the enemy, tolerate every indignity at his hands and be ready
to agree to every thing until nothing remains.
Actually by this surrender you have done worse than that Muhammad Ayub
Khuhro did when, for the sake of office, he handed the province of Sindh
over to the Punjab under One-Unit. Your surrender on this issue is worse
because you are out to justify it and expect to be hurrahed for it, and
yet the consequences of your surrender are for more dangerous and harmful,
and may almost prove to be irreparable.
By this surrender, Sindh has been turned for the first time in its history,
into the land of two languages. "By this surrender, the principle of the
Urdu speaking Muhajirs in Sindh forming a nationality has been accepted
and on that basis they are now asking for the partitioning of Sindh.
"These consequences of your surrender are of grave consequences for
the future of the Sindhi people. The problem which is there by posed before
them for survival as a people in their own homeland, with or without suffering
its partition, appears to be insoluble except the frame works of Pakistan.
By this treacherous surrender, you have imposed a life long bloody struggle
on them for self-preservation, as their national duty.
"Meanwhile, what you, in your timidity and craze for power, have additionally
surrendered to the Muhajirs in id, as a immediate price for keeping peace
is equally fraught with serious consequences for the Sindhi people.
"First, you have agreed to their condition 3f postings id- transfers
of officers, such that nationalist minded Sindhi officers are removed as
heads of certain departments of Administration and non-Sindhi officers
are posted in their places.
"Second, you have resorted to mass arrests of Sindhi workers and have
left the Muhajirs alone to continue agitating freely against the Sindhis.
"Third, you have undertaken to pay as compensation to the Muhajir miscreants
an amount of 25 lacs rupees for the losses they suffered in the
Fourth the President of Pakistan (now Prime Minister) Zulfikar Ali Bhutto,
undertook an extensive tour of the rural areas of Sindh and called upon
the Sindhis not to resort to any retaliatory measures against Muhajirs,
living in their midst, even when the latter in the cities who had killed
Sindhis and burnt and looted their houses and shops there. Significantly,
he avoided visiting the affected areas in the cities, where the Muhajirs
had indulged in arson, loot and murder of the Sindhi life and property.
The President was everywhere graciously received in the Sindhi populated
areas in rural Sindh. But when he passed a worst affected area in Hyderabad
the Muhajir gangs of hoodlums disgraced themselves by shamelessly indulging
in naked danced through the passage of his entourage.
"Fifth, inspite of all this, President Bhutto went on television, profusely
apologized to Muhajirs; begging their pardon with folded hands and
even reminding them of his own sisters having been married in Muhajirs
families and appealed to them abjectly to give up rioting, since all that
they asked for had more than fully been granted to them.
"Sixth, the settlement arrived at with the Muhajirs leadership at Islamabad
included several secret commitments, which subsequently came to light as
(a) That Karachi would be turned into a separate province and handed
over to Muhajirs as their province;
"Seventh the share of Muhajirs in Government services in Sindh has been
agreed at 50%.
(b) Muhajirs would be given additional seats in Cabinet of Ministries
of the Government of Sindh.
(c) Office of the Governor of Sindh will be given to a Muhajir and
(d)Non-Sindhi officers will not be bound down for passing Sindhi language
test for purpose of confirmation etc, in service under Sindh Government.
"Eighth, It was agreed that the census of propriety in Sindh would be
so conducted that the fact of the Sindhi people being in majority in the
land shall not be reflected or carried in the figures.
"Ninth the existing pre-ponderence of Muhajirs in the provincial service
in Sindh and their weightage in central service shall in no way be reversed.
"Tenth, The existing programming on the Radio, Televisions, shall remain
as overwhelmingly tilted to the side of Urdu as now, and all regional pressure
calling for increase in the regional programming at the cost of national
programming shall be resisted so as to avoid increase in fissiparous tendencies.
"Eleventh, it was agreed that justice or propriety of evacuee property
allocations iii Sindh will not be questioned.
"Twelfth, the University of Sindh would either be closed or dispersed
and denigrated, in order to weaken and diffuse the Sindhi people s nationalist
movement finding its base and support among the Sindhi youth from within
its precincts. Further, a secret pact with Jamait Islami, and in collaboration
with it, this movement would be politically destroyed in Sindh totally
and by all the means at command of the two parties viz. the ruling Peoples
Party and the Jamait Islami, the party in opposition.
"We wish and pray that, all these criminal schemes of the enemies of
the Sindhi people may not succeed. But the past performances of Mr. Bhutto
as a master opportunist induce ominous fears in our minds about future
developments some of which have already started unfolding the truth of
several of these things. Mr. Bhutto is the man, who in order to please
General Mohammed Ayub Khan called him Lenin, Kamal Ata-Turk, Salahuddin
Ayubi and Ibrahim Lincoln, and declared before a huge audience at one
of the anniversaries of Shah Abdul Latif Bhitai, the saint poet of Sindh
who died over two hundred years ago, that had Latif been alive he would
have placed garlands of flowers round the neck of the General for his excellent
services to Sindh. Mr. Bhutto is the man, who, in order to please Yahya
Khan and his military Junta, the succeeding military dictator in Pakistan
after General Ayub Khan, advised them to take direct action in East Bengal,
and publicly and most gleefully declared at the start of the bloody action
there; "Thank God, Pakistan has been saved". Mr. Bhutto is the man, who
sent his leading party workers, Mohammed Bux Dhamrah, Maulvi Rubbani, and
others, to jail, and resorted to indiscriminate mass arrests of nationalist
workers including the writer, Hafeez Qureshi and others and countenanced
without loss of equanimity banding of the nationalist students detainees
in the lock-ups of Larkana, his own hometown only to please the Muhajirs.
If the same Mr. Bhutto shows readiness now to mortgage and even actually
does mortgage Sindh s autonomy, language, culture and economic interests
to the Muhajir Punjabi imperialists, it could not be entirely beyond the
ken of possibilities.
"The President and his ruling party are permitting themselves to lacerate
Sindh thus only for the purpose that Muhajir-Punjabi Vested Interests may
a flow them to remain in power for some time longer. The fact cannot, however,
be denied that these interests are opposing Mr. Bhutto solely because of
the reason that he is a Sindhi; and so long he keeps on obeying their command
and continues meeting their desire without much about the interest of Sindh
or Sindhis leaving his insteps rather free to make mince meat of Sindh
s interests, they in turn, will allow him to keep seated on his gaddi.
But just as they threw out Khuhro from the Chief Minister-ship of West
Pakistan only two months after he had handed over Sindh to them, under
One-Unit in the same manner they will deal with Mr. Bhutto as well. As
alas! Mr. Bhutto, then, will neither be able to save himself nor his Pakistan
about the safety and integrity of which he appears to be much concerned
The Sindhis students in their memorandum to President Bhutto, at page
24, made him the following fervent appeal:
"Esteemed President you may graciously see from the above recital our
tale of woe that Quaed-i-Azam Jinnah thrive us in this predicament by establishing
Pakistan. It is now upto you mulishly to tread the same path as taken by
Your predecessors and lead the country straight to disaster or to learn
due lessons from the experience of its short history, and retracing certain
steps, make an effort to understand and solve the country s problems denovo.
We acknowledge your esteemed self to possess the following qualifications
and talents, which we believe could conduce to such a bold departure from
the usual, on your part:
(1)You have been born on the soil of Sindh and therefore you are the
son of Sindhi nation.
We therefore, hold ourselves justified to appeal to you most earnestly:
First to help us to save ourselves from the oppression of Muhajir-Punjabi
Imperialist forces, who deny the separate national existence of the Sindh
people. Second to save the Sindhi people from subjection to Muhajir-Punjabi
Vested Interests, which they have imposed on the Sindhis in the name of
the strong center. Third, to take steps against likelihood of imposition
of Military rule on the country, possibilities of which would continue
over haunting us as long as there is ceaseless expansion of armed forces,
under illusory fears of Indian enmity. Fourth, to pave way for genuine
socialism in the, country by basing the State policy on non-alignment internationally
and on Secularism, national justice, love and tolerance instead religious
bigotry, fanaticism and hatred internally. Fifth, to save the Sindhi people
from the intellectual imperialism of Urdu language. "But, if for any reasons,
you and your party too, like your predecessors, continue harping on the
tunes of ideology of Pakistan, Indian, enmity, Islamic Form of Government
and strong Center, then you will have to prepare to face the following
(2) You have the ability to appraise problems from the modern viewpoint
and in the background of world realities.
(3) You claim -to hold truly genuine democratic convictions.
(4) You are the first elected President of the country.
(5) You are a man of great political acumen, and possess a sharp sense
of practical politics.
The Sindhi students submitted their memoranda to the president of Pakistan,
Mr. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and to the Chief-Minister of Sindh, Mr. Mumtaz
Ali Bhutto, and made feverish appeals to them for rescue, expecting, in
their innocence, an instantaneously solvable response from the two little
realizing that they, as mere show-boys , could hardly be in a position
to do any thing of the sort. The two great men were completely occupied
in endeavors to save their gaddis. What they, therefore, did was
that they prescribed the two memorandums and also forfeited the Press which
printed them to government. The manager of the Press was put into jail.
There will be inevitable growth of fanatic nationalism in the country,
and the Provinces will turn hostile to the center, and set out breaking
Pakistan into separate States.
Getting tired of Muhajir-Punjabi domination at the Center, there will arise
desperate rebellious movements all around accruing no good for the country
as a whole.
As a reaction to open unabashed exploitation under cover of religion, the
youth in Pakistan will rebel against religion and desert it totally.
The Sindhi people will prefer leaving such Pakistan and be free from it,
if they have to live in it as a colony."
Under these circumstances, the Sindhi people see no way out but to break
the clamps as under and get free. Pakistan has proved to be a prison-house
for them, where all their hopes and aspirations of free and independent
life have been crushed into dust. As a self-respecting people, loving liberty
and ready and willing to pay the price for it, they find no choice before
them but to bring the prison walls down and step outside to breathe free,
and to think, speak and live free. This is the vision of life they see
in Sindhu Desh. They are determined to build that life for themselves.
They take it to be their sole national duty today to struggle for that
goal and to live and die for it.
Sindhi Congress | A Nation in Chains
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